Summary

Mark Antony, in Latin Marcus Antonius (M-ANTONIVS-M-F-M-N), was a Roman politician and military leader, born on January 14, 83 BC and died on August 1, 30 BC.

After a turbulent youth working alongside Curion and Publius Clodius Pulcher, he served in the army from 57 to 52 BC, with the rank of chief of cavalry in Syria, Palestine and Egypt, under the command of Gabinius.

In 52 BC he joined Julius Caesar and fought in the Gallic War at the siege of Alesia (July-September 52 BC).

He then took part in the civil war against Pompey, and distinguished himself in particular by defending Caesar's cause as tribune of the plebs in 49 BC, and militarily during the victory at Pharsalus the following year.

During Caesar's campaigns of 48-47 BC, Mark Antony was appointed Master of the Cavalry and took charge of the administration of Italy and Rome in the dictator's absence. He performed his duties poorly and lost Caesar's confidence for a time. However, he became his co-consul for 44 BC.

After Caesar's assassination, Mark Antony, then consul, managed to hold on to power while keeping the conspirators at bay, but faced with the hostility of the Senate, led by Cicero and Caesar's grand-nephew and adopted son, Octavian, he soon found himself isolated, then defeated in the Civil War of Modena and declared a "public enemy".

However, he then succeeded in assembling the largest army in the West, thanks to the rallying of Ventidius Bassus, followed by the more or less voluntary rallies of Lepidus, Munatius Plancus and Asinius Pollion. Faced with the revival of the Pompeian and republican cause, and with Octavian sidelined, he formed an alliance with Octavian and Lepidus to share the Roman Republic: the second triumvirate. This represented the union of Caesar's political heirs against the Senate and the "Republicans", supporters of the dictator's murderers.

The triumvirs were victorious over the Republicans at the battle of Philippi in 42 BC, and Mark Antony, the great architect of this victory, reserved the reorganization of the Eastern provinces for himself, while retaining control of Gaul.

Following the civil war of Perugia initiated by his third wife Fulvia and her brother Lucius Antonius against Octavian, in which his supporters were defeated, the Pact of Brundus and the Peace of Misene divided the Roman lands in 40 and 39 BC. The West reverted to Octavian, while Antony was confirmed as master of the East, but lost the Gauls, with Lepidus retaining Africa and Sextus Pompey the Italian islands and the Peloponnese. Antony remarried Octavia, Octavian's sister.

In particular, he devoted himself to the fight against the Parthians, who had gone on the offensive. One of his lieutenants, Ventidius Bassus, initially succeeded in repelling them and triumphing over the Parthians. Then, with the financial and military support of the main Roman vassal in the East, Cleopatra VII's Ptolemaic Egypt, Antony organized a large-scale offensive that ended in defeat in 36 BC, with the situation returning to the status quo prior to the conflict. Antony broke definitively with Octavian and settled in Egypt, living with Queen Cleopatra, who had previously been placed on the Egyptian throne by Julius Caesar himself. In ten years, Antony reorganized the whole of the Roman East, behaving like a Hellenistic prince.

Octavian, who had got rid of Lepidus and Sextus Pompey in the West, skilfully set himself up as the defender of Roman civilization against Cleopatra's ambitions and the "orientalizing deviance" of Antony, who had broken with his sister for a foreign queen, and provoked war between the two rivals in 32 BC.

Ancient historiography was influenced by Augustan propaganda and was generally unfavorable to Antony from the moment he became master of the East and met Cleopatra. Cleopatra's image was blackened to make her Rome's evil adversary and Marc Antony's evil genius.

Octavian fleet commander Vipsanius Agrippa won the battle of Actium in September 31 BC. Cornered by the Octavian legions, Antony and then Cleopatra committed suicide in early August 30 BC.

Mark Antony's political dealings with Caesar and later with the second triumvirate contributed to the downfall of the Roman Republic. In 27 BC, a few years after Antony's death in Alexandria, the Senate bestowed on Octavian the titles of Princeps and above all "Augustus", until then reserved for the gods, marking the end of the republican period and the beginning of the Roman Empire.

Birth and ancestry

Mark Antony was born in Rome on January 14, most probably in 83 BC, although 86 and 81 are sometimes given. His full name is Marcus Antonius Marci Filius Marci Nepos, i.e. "Marcus Antonius, son of Marcus, grandson of Marcus". He has no cognomen. His people, Antonia, were a fairly recent plebeian family. According to Plutarch, they are descended from Anton (Άντων), the mythological son of the demigod Hercules, created by Mark Antony, and from whom he claims to be descended.

His paternal grandfather was Marcus Antonius Orator, one of the greatest orators of his time, who made him the other main speaker in his De oratore. In 104, he was appointed praetor and, the following year, pro-praetor in Cilicia. He was one of the first to mount a campaign against the pirates based in his province. The campaign was crowned with success. In the year 100, Caius Marius, consul for the fifth consecutive time, faced difficulties from his allies, the populares, in particular the tribune of the plebs Lucius Appuleius Saturninus and the praetor Caius Servilius Glaucia, who wreaked havoc in Rome by assassinating those who tried to run against them for the tribune and consulate. Marius, worried by a situation beyond his control, abandoned his former friends and sided with the Senate, executing the troublemakers and their supporters by means of a senatus consultum ultimum. Marius was then able to hold elections and elect Antonius Orator, fresh from his triumph, and Aulus Postumius Albinus to the consulship. Antonius, a moderate in the Senate, helped to quell the unrest and convict Marius's former supporters, with Marius perhaps now harboring a nagging hatred for his overzealous assistance. Antonius Orator then became censor in 97 alongside Lucius Valerius Flaccus. He was the first of his people to attain this position. Ancient authors report that his pleadings were very successful. In 87, having sided with Sylla in the first civil war between Marius and Sylla, he was put to death by supporters of Caius Marius, the latter having put him at the top of the list of those to be executed. His head was displayed on the tribune aux harangues, the site of so many oratorical successes.

His paternal uncle was Caius Antonius Hybrida. A supporter of Sylla, he led a gladiatorial troupe against the outcasts and began to amass a large fortune. He began his military career as a legate commanding the cavalry during the wars against Mithridates VI. After Sylla's return to Rome, Caius remained in Greece, where he was supposed to maintain peace and order, but ended up pillaging the country and sacking several temples and sacred places. Suspicions of atrocities committed against the population, including torture, earned him the nickname "Hybrida", according to Pliny the Elder. In 76, he was indicted for his abuses by the young Julius Caesar, but escaped condemnation by appealing to the tribunes of the plebs. In 70, he was expelled from the Senate by the censors. Despite his reputation, he was elected tribune in 71, which allowed him to rejoin the Senate, then praetor in 66 with, among others, Cicero, and finally consul in 63, also with Cicero. His role in the conspiracy of Catilina is unclear, although it seems that Cicero eventually made him an ally, albeit an uncertain one, rich province that Cicero had ceded to him, where he made himself so detestable through his oppression and extortion of the population, that he had to withdraw, having moreover suffered two shameful defeats on his borders, notably following the betrayal of allies of Rome, who were also angered by his attitude. In 59, Caius was accused in Rome of having taken part in the Catilina conspiracy and of financial extortion in his province. He was condemned and exiled. Caesar seems to have recalled him, as he attended Senate meetings in 44.

His father was Marcus Antonius Creticus, praetor in 76, and a year later he received an extraordinary commission from the Senate to free the Mediterranean Sea from pirates, thus helping Pompey in his wars against the Pontine king Mithridates VI. However, he did not take his important task seriously, and failed in his charge, neglecting the provinces he was supposed to protect from theft. He made a name for himself with his exactions, particularly in Sicily, which caused more damage than the pirates themselves. He attacked the Cretans, but they revolted, and Marcus suffered a humiliating naval defeat, saving his life only by signing a shameful peace treaty. It's for this reason, it seems, that he was mockingly given the nickname "Creticus", meaning "victor of Crete". He died there a few months later, not surviving his shame, in 72 or 71. A few years later, Pompey was granted an exceptional imperium to deal with the piracy infesting the Mediterranean, which was disrupting the transport of supplies to Rome from Sicily and Egypt, and threatening to starve the Italian peninsula. Plutarch describes Antonius Creticus as "the most just, the most honest, and even the most liberal of men", while modern historians paint him as an incompetent, fallible and corrupt nobleman, but far less vicious than his brother Hybrida. Generous to his friends, although not very wealthy, he was heavily in debt at the time of his death.

His mother was a Julia, daughter of Lucius Julius Caesar, consul in 90, opponent of Marius, and also executed in 87, like Antonius Orator. A member of the Iulii Caesaris family, she was the sister of Lucius Julius Caesar, consul in 64 and prefect of Rome in 47. They are related to the brothers Sextus Julius Caesar, consul in 91, and Caius Julius Caesar, father of Julius Caesar.

Now a widow, Antony's mother married Publius Cornelius Lentulus Sura, a Roman senator from an old family, constantly in debt, whose entire career resembled that of Antonius Hybrida: numerous embezzlements and corruptions in his youth, which he did not deny, and even went so far as to claim. He was consul in 71, and the following year, he too was expelled from the Senate by the censors for immorality, but managed to rejoin the Senate by becoming praetor in 63. He was then one of the principal members of the Catiline conspiracy, during the consulship of Cicero and Hybrida, who he did not know had been turned by his colleague, and was confounded by Cicero and then executed under the terms of the senatus consultum ultimum in force.

Marcus Antonius also has two younger brothers: Caius and Lucius.

Antony was born into a Roman Republic in crisis, shaken by civil wars and where power tended to fall into the hands of imperatores, generals enriched by war, who could rely on numerous supporters to enforce their rule, at a time when conspiracies were legion. Her family, like most of her contemporaries, includes some eminent talents, such as her grandfather the Orator, but also many corrupt ones, particularly her uncle Hybrida and her father-in-law Sura.

Marc Antony's youth

Plutarch, a Greek author writing during the reign of Trajan in the early 2nd century, paints a flattering portrait of the young Mark Antony, describing him as "of great beauty": "the dignity and nobility of his figure announce a man of great birth; his thick beard, broad forehead, aquiline nose, and a masculine air spread over his whole person, give him much resemblance to the statues and portraits of Hercules".

Her father having died in 72-71, it was her mother Julia who raised her. Plutarch depicts her as a model Roman matron, while contemporary Cicero defines her in 63 as a "woman of such distinguished merit" (femina lectissima). Antony and his brothers were declared bankrupt, in view of the debts left by their father on his death, although their new father-in-law Sura and probably their uncle Hybrida were able to provide for them. The execution of Sura, implicated in the conspiracy of Catilina, in 63, was "the pretext and source of Antony's implacable hatred of Cicero" according to Plutarch, but, while the two men may not have been on the best of terms, their relations were cordial in 53 until 44.

Antony received an excellent education, as did all young Romans from aristocratic families. He may already have been involved in the Lupercalia cult, of which he is mentioned as one of the priests later in his life.

He probably fell under the control of Caius Scribonius Curio, known as "Curion", who was not a supporter of Caesar in his youth, and who, according to Plutarch, led him "into the debauchery of women and wine, and caused him, by spending as foolish as it was shameful, to incur debts far greater than his age would allow". His enemy Cicero is even harsher on the morals of the two young men in his second Philippic, which turns out to be a violent and even hateful indictment of Antony, an attack on all fronts, private and public life, old and new: he accuses him of debauchery, homosexual relations with Curion, drunkenness, financial bankruptcy, dubious marriages and intellectual stupidity, but his accusations must be taken with great caution.

Antony also made friends with the young Caesarian Publius Claudius Pulcher, known as "Clodius", although Plutarch points out that Antony remained distant from the latter, and probably did not take part in the urban violence he organized. Both young men were older than him, Clodius having been born around 93-92 and Curion around 90. He also frequented Fulvia, Clodius' wife, before becoming Curion's and then Antony's wife. Although he had no known political stance, Antony probably belonged to Caesar's young supporters between 62 and 58, the latter being consul in 59 and linked by a secret pact, known as the "first triumvirate", to Pompey and Crassus.

These sulphurous friendships, along with his debts, prompted Mark Antony to leave Italy. He studied philosophy in Athens, where he learned rhetoric and eloquence, rubbed shoulders with Greek literature and acquired real talent as an orator. Plutarch specifies that "he set out above all to imitate the Asiatic style, then in great demand, which had much in common with his lavish life, full of ostentation, and subject to all the inequalities that ambition brings with it".

Young Antony therefore possessed a solid Hellenistic culture and excellent physical training, but he was crippled by debt and had done nothing of note apart from his youthful antics.

Officer in Syria and Egypt (57-55)

At the end of 58 or beginning of 57, when Antony was 25-26 years old, the proconsul Aulus Gabinius, passing through Greece, offered to accompany him to his province of Syria, without giving him a precise function, perhaps on the recommendation of Clodius. Clodius had just exiled Cicero the previous year, during Gabinius' consulship and without opposition from the triumvirs. Gabinius appointed him "praefectus equitum", i.e. chief of cavalry, and he began his military career in 57 under the leadership of an experienced man in a promising region.

Hyrcan II, then Hasmonean high priest in Judea, fled Jerusalem and turned to Gabinius for help against his rivals, a certain Alexander, son of his brother Aristobulus II, and perhaps also against the latter himself, who had been captured by Pompey in 63. Mark Antony demonstrated his valour in battle and received his first military distinction. According to Plutarch, "Antony was the first to mount the wall of one of the strongest places he was besieging, driving Aristobulus from all his strongholds; and having given battle to him, despite the inferiority of his troops, he defeated him, cutting almost his entire army to pieces, and taking him and his son prisoner". With the revolt put down and Aristobulus' son captured, Hyrcanus was able to return to Jerusalem.

In 55, after some hesitation, Aulus Gabinius went to Ptolemaic Egypt, overriding the orders of the Roman Senate but with the ambiguous support of Pompey, on a perilous mission to restore king Ptolemy XII to the throne, in exchange for an astronomical indemnity. Plutarch gives Mark Antony an important role in Gabinius's decision to go to Egypt: "Antony, who is looking for great opportunities to distinguish himself, and who moreover wants to oblige the king of Egypt, whose solicitations have interested him in his favor, determines Gabinius to this undertaking". Beyond the ardor of youth, Antony is probably interested in his share of the jackpot. The Greek author goes on to praise Mark Antony, reporting on his military successes, which are recognized by modern historians, who point out that these were also diplomatic successes on Antony's part. He is also magnanimous towards the prisoners Ptolemy wanted executed.

"Gabinius, who had taken the lead with his cavalry, after seizing the passes, made himself master of Peluse, a considerable town, of which he took the garrison prisoner, secured the way for the rest of the army, and gave the general the firmest hope of victory. Ptolemy's desire to acquire a reputation was useful to the enemies themselves: on entering Peluse, blinded by hatred and anger, he wanted to massacre all the inhabitants; Antony opposed him, and stopped the effects of his vengeance. In the important battles and frequent fighting that took place during this expedition, he demonstrated extraordinary courage and the wise foresight befitting a general. He showed it most brilliantly when he was so good at enveloping and charging enemies from behind, that he made victory easy for those who attacked them head-on; and this success earned him the honors and rewards bestowed on valor. The Egyptians were grateful to him for the humanity he showed Archelaus, who had been his friend and host: obliged to fight him, he found his body on the battlefield, and gave him a magnificent funeral. By this conduct, he leaves the most favorable opinion of himself in Alexandria, and acquires, among the Romans who serve with him, the most brilliant reputation."

- Plutarch, Vies parallèles des hommes illustres, Vie d'Antoine, 3 - translated by Ricard, 1840.

Pierre Renucci comments on the Egyptian campaign, in which Antoine distinguished himself: "What was needed was a leader who was less a swordsman than a steely-nerved negotiator. By succeeding in this high-risk mission, Antoine showed that he was both. In the meetings in which he took part, Antoine brought his own personal touch, a blend of audacity and foresight. In fact, it was a turning movement of his own on the enemy's rear that determined one of his victories. We will often see him concerned to spare human lives, without it being a matter of calculated magnanimity", he concludes, "Wasn't the young man's perfect behavior in Syria and Egypt enough to seduce us?

It may well have been on this occasion that he first met Cleopatra, daughter of Ptolemy XII, who would then have been just 14 years old in 55. In any case, this is what the ancient historian Appian of Alexandria suggests, writing under the Antonines: "It is said that he conceived for her, and for a long time, when she was only a child, a kind of desire at first sight, when he served as chief of cavalry under Gabinius in Alexandria". If this attraction is real, nothing comes of it.

During this period, political confusion reigned in Rome. In 60, a secret agreement united three men: Marcus Licinius Crassus, Cnaeus Pompeius Magnus and Caius Julius Caesar. The first two had served as consuls together in 70, while Caesar had made a name for himself as a daring lawyer and demonstrated his military skills in Hispania.

In 59, he was elected consul in his turn, thanks to an election campaign financed by Crassus. After his consulship, Caesar obtained the proconsulship of Illyria, Cisalpine Gaul and Narbonnaise. He then began the conquest of Hairy Gaul. In 55, Crassus and Pompey were once again joint consuls, this time thanks to Caesar, whose term of office was extended. Rome now lived under the rule of the triumvirs.

In 53, Crassus was defeated and killed by the Parthians at the battle of Carrhes. What's more, Julia, Caesar's daughter and Pompey's wife, had died the previous year, thus severing one of the ties uniting these two great men. Caesar and Pompey fell out over power, and the first triumvirate came to an end.

Lieutenant to Julius Caesar (54-47)

Following his Egyptian adventure, Antony's immediate future is unknown. After the end of his proconsulship, Aulus Gabinius found himself accused of concussion and public lèse-majesté on his return to Rome. At Pompey's insistence, Cicero defended him, but without succeeding in having him acquitted of the second charge, since the knights were so resentful of his actions during his mandate in Syria, where he had denounced the shameful and usurious methods of the publicans towards the population. He was then exiled, and it seems obvious that those who had supported Gabinius in Syria and Egypt would take risks returning to Rome. It is therefore likely that Antony joined Caesar in Gaul as early as 54, either on the recommendation of his maternal family, Clodius, or Gabinius, who would be recalled from exile by Caesar a few years later.

Antony probably took part in some of Caesar's campaigns in 54 and 53, although not in the second expedition to Brittany, but perhaps in the suppression of revolts, notably by the Eburons led by Ambiorix following the battle of Aduatuca, or by the Menapiens and Trevires still in Belgian Gaul. As legate at the head of a legion in 52, he probably officiated at a lower rank, at least in 53.

Ancient sources mention Marc Antonius in Gaul, alongside Julius Caesar, in the year 52. It was during the siege of Alesia, when Vercingetorix attempted a sortie just as a Gallic relief army was arriving: "the lieutenants Marcus Antonius and Gaius Trebonius, to whom the defense of the attacked quarters fell, drew some troops from the more distant forts to help the legionaries at the points where they knew they were being pressed by the enemy". The fact that Caesar mentions one of these lieutenants shows the esteem in which he holds their actions.

The following year, in 51, he was appointed quaestor, attached to Caesar. For this, Caesar recommended him to Cicero, who agreed to support him, and Antony probably stayed in Rome during the winter of 53-52, during which time he had a run-in with Clodius, whom Cicero said he almost killed. In the winter of 52-51, Antony had to make another short stay in Rome to take part in the questorial elections. Caesar put him in charge of his winter quarters in Gaul, leaving his camp in early January for Bibracte. For the campaign of 51, Caesar continued his policy of pacification, distributing his legions among his lieutenants in order to cover all of Gaul. He enlisted Marc Antony to march on Ambiorix's homeland and ravage the region, then left him with fifteen cohorts among the Bellovacs to prevent the Belgians from forming any new plans for revolt. Julius Caesar seemed to appreciate Mark Antony's valour, taking him on and leaving him at the head of some 7,500 soldiers.

During the winter of 51-50, Mark Antony took up quarters in Belgian Gaul with Caius Trebonius, Publius Vatinius and four legions. His cavalry battled the Atrebate Commios, who went into exile, promising never to face a Roman again. He also acted as conciliator in a conflict between a Belgian chief and a Roman legionary.

Marc Antony had a daughter between 54 and 49, Antonia, by his wife Antonia Hybrida Minor, who was also his first cousin, daughter of Caius Antonius Hybrida. It is not known whether this was Antony's first marriage.

In Rome, the rivalry between Pompey's supporters, led by Titus Annius Milo, and Julius Caesar's supporters, led by Publius Clodius Pulcher, intensified. In 52, the latter was killed in a scuffle, leading to popular riots and the burning of the Curia Hostilia. A period of anarchy began. The Senate appealed to Pompey, who responded with ruthless efficiency, and Milon was condemned and exiled. Once order had been restored, the Senate avoided granting him dictatorship. Under the influence of Marcus Calpurnius Bibulus and Marcus Porcius Cato, the Senate passed a law appointing Pompey sole consul in 52, giving him extraordinary but limited powers. The people accepted this appointment, and Pompey began a third consulship, in contravention of the principle of collegiality and a law of Sylla, which required a ten-year period between two consulships. However, Pompey appointed his new father-in-law Quintus Caecilius Metellus as his colleague for the last five months of his term.

"When winter came to an end, Caesar, against his custom, set off for Italy to visit the municipal cities and colonies, to which he wished to recommend his quaestor, Marcus Antonius, who was running for the priesthood. By supporting him with his power, not only was he following his fondness for a man very close to him, whom he had sent to seek this dignity a short time before, but he also wanted to thwart a small faction which, by making Antonius fail, wished to undermine Caesar's power, whose government was expiring. Although he learns en route, and before arriving in Italy, that Antony has just been appointed augur, he believes it no less necessary to tour the municipal cities and colonies, in order to thank them for their eagerness to serve Antony, and at the same time to recommend to them his own application for the consulship for the following year ; for his enemies boast insolently of having made Lucius Cornelius Lentulus and Caius Claudius Marcellus consuls, who are to strip Caesar of all office and dignity; and of having excluded Servius Sulpicius Galba from the consulship, even though he has more credit and suffrages, solely because he is befriended by Caesar and has been his lieutenant. "

- Aulus Hirtius, Commentaires sur la Guerre des Gaules, VIII, 47-48 - translated by Nisard, 1865.

From August 50 until the end of his life, Mark Antony was a member of the College of Augurs, "priests who foretold the future by the flight of birds", i.e., responsible for interpreting divine signs, but who above all had considerable power of prevention, since the augurs were consulted for any event of importance. He was elected thanks to the support of Caesar, pontifex maximus, but also with the backing of Cicero and the tribune Curion, who had rallied to Julius Caesar's side when the latter had paid off all his debts.

In December of the same year, Antony was elected tribune of the plebs for the coming year, taking over the role of Caesar's defender in this magistracy as Curion had been the previous year, the latter having left to join Caesar in Gaul. Curion acted as an intermediary between Caesar and the Senate, delivering a conciliatory message on January 1, 49 BC. Two of the tribunes of the plebs, Quintus Cassius and Mark Antony, requested that it be read out immediately.

"Antony, as soon as he took office, served Caesar's political aims to great effect. First of all, he opposed the consul Marcellus, who assigned Pompey the troops already on the ground, and authorized him to make new levies. Antony, on the other hand, decreed that the army already assembled would march into Syria, to reinforce Bibulus' army, which was waging war against the Parthians, and that no one could enlist under Pompey. Secondly, the senate having refused to receive Caesar's letters, and to read them in the assembly, Antony, by virtue of the power given him by the tribune, read them publicly, and thereby changed the minds of several senators, who saw, in these letters, that Caesar was only asking for what was just and reasonable. Finally, the whole affair having been reduced to this double question: "Will Pompey dismiss the legions he commands? Will Caesar dismiss those under his command?" and very few senators having opined that Pompey should leave command, while all the others were of the opinion that Caesar should relinquish it, Antony having risen asks whether it would not be more appropriate for both Caesar and Pompey to lay down their arms, and resign command together."

- Plutarch, Vies parallèles des hommes illustres, Vie d'Antoine, 6 - translated by Ricard, 1840.

Marc Antony became an influential member of Roman political life, thanks to the support of Julius Caesar. His proposal that the two generals should resign together was well received by the senators, but was vehemently opposed by the consuls and Cato in particular. Still through the intermediary of Curion and Antony, Caesar tried a new proposal: he agreed to retain only two legions and the government of Cisalpine Gaul and Illyria, provided his candidacy for the consulship was accepted. Despite Cicero's efforts to reach a compromise, Cato refused to allow a private citizen to impose his conditions on the state. The new consul, Lentulus, lost his temper and had Curion, Cassius and Antony expelled from the Senate by force. The latter left Rome and joined Caesar in Ravenna.

Caesar could then present himself as the victim of the conservatives' relentlessness and as the defender of the tribunes of the plebs. The Senate declared the fatherland in danger and Caesar a "public enemy" in a senatus consultum ultimum.

On January 10, 49 BC, Julius Caesar crossed the Rubicon, the border between Cisalpine Gaul and Italy, at the head of the legio XIII Gemina. This marked the start of the civil war between Caesar and Pompey.

Mark Antony is given command of five cohorts that follow the Via Æmilia and Via Cassia through Arretium in Etruria towards Rome. Julius Caesar succeeded in rallying newly-raised legions against him, and the whole of Italy, including Rome, fell into his hands in less than three months, with little resistance. The horrors of civil war were avoided, as Caesar proved magnanimous. Most of Caesar's political opponents, including Pompey, the consuls and many senators, left Italy for Greece.

Caesar failed to secure his appointment as dictator, but order was restored and the state reorganized: praetor Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, known as "Lepidus", took charge of the provisional administration of the City, while Mark Antony found himself in command of all Caesarian troops stationed in Italy as procurator.

"Antony makes himself loved by the soldiers, by exercising and eating most often with them, by giving them all the largesse his fortune allows; but he makes himself unbearable to all his other fellow citizens, because his laziness makes him view with indifference the injustices they suffer, that he even gets angry with those who come to complain about them, and that he doesn't respect women of free condition."

- Plutarch, Vies parallèles des hommes illustres, Vie d'Antoine, 8 - translated by Ricard, 1840.

Although Antony proved to be a reliable lieutenant in the guardianship of Italy, he resumed his escapades, flaunting himself with actresses and henchmen, acting casually, even though he was now a leading public figure. This tarnishes his image and that of his party, even if Caesar doesn't seem to mind.

Caesar took over military operations and control of Hispania and Marseilles, which had previously rallied to Pompey, in just three months, always showing clemency. Curion then retook Sicily before being killed in Africa. By the end of 49, Caesar, already in command of the Gauls, had conquered Italy, Hispania, Sicily and Sardinia in less than a year.

Caesar then turned his attention to Greece, where Pompey was in a strong position. Caius Antonius, Marc Antony's brother, and Publius Cornelius Dolabella were entrusted with the defense of Illyria against the Pompeians. But Cornelius Dolabella's fleet was destroyed, and Caius Antonius had to lock himself away on the island of Curicta. He was forced to surrender to Pompey, his men being integrated into the Pompeian legions. Caesar lost control of the Adriatic and was unable to transport sufficient troops to Epirus, as Calpurnius Bibulus destroyed his transport fleet.

"Antony was then in Brundus. Relying on the value of his soldiers, he had some sixty longboats lined with racks and parapets, loaded them with elite men, and placed them at various points along the coast; then he sent two triremes built at Brundus to the entrance of the port, as if to train the rowers. Lucius Scribonius Libo had not yet seen them advance so boldly that, in the hope of capturing them, he detached five galleys with four rows of oars against them. As they approached, our veterans withdrew to the harbour; the others, carried away by their ardour, were unwise enough to follow them. Suddenly, at a given signal, Antony's longboats rush in from all sides; with the first shock they take one of their galleys with all the oarsmen and soldiers aboard, and force the others to flee in shame. To add insult to injury, Antony's cavalry posts along the coast prevented them from taking on water. Libo, desperate and confused, leaves Brindes and leaves the port free."

- Julius Caesar, Commentaries on the Civil War, III, 24 - Nisard translation, 1865.

Caesar scored a few successes on the Dalmatian coast, but was beaten to Dyrrachium by his former lieutenant Titus Labienus. He tried to cross back into Italy, but was unsuccessful. In mid-April 48, Marc Antony managed to free the port of Brundus and cross the Adriatic despite the storm with four legions and 800 cavalry. He ran aground north of Dyrrachium, not far from Caesar, but with Pompey between them. Nevertheless, he managed to bypass Pompey and rejoin Caesar to reinforce him. Pompeian forces were still three times superior in numbers, however, and Pompey had control of the sea, and therefore of supplies.

Caesar's forces, besieging Pompey in Dyrrachium, were soon starving, and skirmishes multiplied around Pompey's camp. In the summer of 48, during a night-time attempt against Dyrrachium, Caesar was surprised by a vigorous counter-attack. Caesar's units broke off in disorder and with heavy losses. Pompey did not exploit his success at Dyrrachium, however, and let the Caesarians return to their camp. Short of supplies, Caesar managed to retreat towards Thessaly, and Pompey set off in pursuit.

"In various battles, Antony distinguished himself more than any other officer. On two occasions when Caesar's troops were in disarray, he rallied them alone, brought them back against the pursuing enemy, and, having forced them to fight, won a double victory. So, after Caesar, he has the greatest reputation in the camp."

- Plutarch, Vies parallèles des hommes illustres, Vie d'Antoine, 10 - translated by Ricard, 1840.

On the Pharsalus plain, Caesar set up camp and awaited his opponent. Pompey had twice as much infantry and three to eight times as much cavalry. At the battle of Pharsalus on August 9, 48, Caesar commanded Pompey's right wing, while Mark Antony led the left. This demonstrated that Mark Antony was Caesar's "best officer".

"Caesar himself made known the high opinion he had of Antony, when at the battle of Pharsalus, which was to decide everything for him, while reserving command of the right wing, he put him at the head of the left wing, as the best officer he had under his command."

- Plutarch, Vies parallèles des hommes illustres, Vie d'Antoine, 10 - translated by Ricard, 1840.

The Pompeian forces were totally routed. With the exception of a few intransigent senators who returned to Africa, many rallied to Caesar, and many of Pompey's soldiers and allies joined Caesar's forces. Pompey fled to Egypt, but Ptolemy XIII, Cleopatra's brother and husband, and the regent Pothinus, fearing reprisals, had him assassinated on arrival.

Master of cavalry, then consul (47-44)

Julius Caesar then led a campaign in Egypt, where he dethroned the young sovereign in favor of Cleopatra VII and her youngest brother, and then in Asia, between the summer of 48 and the following year. Cleopatra became Caesar's mistress and may have given him a son, Caesarion. Egypt was now under Roman protectorate.

Mark Antony returned to Rome with part of the Caesarian army, as cavalry master to Caesar, then dictator. Antony was thus the chief magistrate in Rome in Caesar's absence, and was put in charge of Italy and Rome, where he had to maintain order. However, Antony proved to be a poor administrator and quickly became unpopular in Rome. He himself caused some unrest in the city over the question of debt forgiveness. Caesar took steps to alleviate or consolidate debts, but never considered cancelling them. When Cornelius Dolabella sought to cancel the debts, Antony followed Caesar's example, or rather his instructions, by opposing them. Antony found himself in an awkward position. He could not take firm action on his own without risking a rift within the Caesarian party itself, since only Caesar had the authority to do so with the greatest number of people.

"Antony, uniting with Asinius, waged open war on Cornelius Dolabella, who, intent on forcing through the law, had seized the town square. Antony, in accordance with the Senate's decree to take up arms against him, attacked him in the square, killing many and losing some of his own. This action made him odious to the multitude; and the rest of his conduct made him despised and hated by wise and honest people, who detested his debaucheries at the table at ungodly hours, his excessive spending, his dissolves in the most infamous places, his sleeping in broad daylight, his walks in a state of drunkenness, his meals continued well into the night, his comedies and feasts to celebrate the weddings of farceurs and buffoons."

- Plutarch, Vies parallèles des hommes illustres, Vie d'Antoine, 10-11 - translation by Ricard, 1840.

Antony once again made a name for himself with his antics, which were all the more unwelcome given the tense political situation. In addition, he became rich by seizing a large part of Pompey's property, taking advantage of his position to acquire it without paying a single sesterce, acting as if during a proscription incompatible with Caesar's policy, and moreover, in the midst of an economic crisis. Caesar's return became essential.

"Antoine adopted the position of least resistance. On closer examination, Antony made the best use of his limited room for maneuver. In short, faced with civil insurrection in Rome and the threat of military rebellion in Italy, Antony was able to limit the damage until Caesar's return. It was difficult, if not impossible, for him to do more. His personal conduct seems less worthy of praise Antony's boisterous behavior was all the more blameworthy given that Caesar's situation remained insecure. This was hardly the time to be irritated by nonsense. It was time for Caesar to return."

- Pierre Renucci, Marc Antoine, 2015, pp. 112-113, 115 and 118.

"During his absence, entrusted the guardianship of Italy and Rome to Mark Antony, who became his cavalry master during the exercise of his magistracy. This was a poor choice. Mark Antony had done nothing to ease the social tensions arising from the economic difficulties of the war, and had even fanned the flames of discontent, in a context of mixed anxiety and hope, as people stayed all winter. When one of his rivals, Cornelius Dolabella, like himself from Rome's gilded youth, stirred up the plebs with the question of debt forgiveness, presenting himself as Clodius' heir, Antony didn't know how to react; First, he did nothing, then he used force, which helped to spread the discontent, especially as he was unable to calm the impatience of the veterans in Campania, who were demanding rewards. It is therefore urgent that Caesar return.

- Jean-Michel Roddaz, "Les chemins vers la dictature" in François Hinard (ed.), Histoire romaine des origines à Auguste, Fayard, 2000, p. 796 and 798.

On his return, Caesar took care of the most urgent matters. Marc Antony's confidence was withdrawn, more because of his numerous escapades than for his management of Rome and Italy. Caesar obliged him to pay off his debts. Caesar made sure that the goods confiscated from his adversaries were sold at the right price and, above all, that they were actually paid for, even by those close to him, such as Antony. It was Lepidus who subsequently became Caesar's cavalry master and co-consul in 46, taking charge of Italy and Rome in place of Antony.

"Also, when Caesar returns to Italy, he pardons Dolabella; and having been appointed consul for the third time, he takes Lepide, not Antony, as his colleague."

- Plutarch, Vies parallèles des hommes illustres, Vie d'Antoine, 12 - translated by Ricard, 1840.

Caesar had to return to Africa to campaign against the Pompeians, whom he defeated in 46 AD. Marc Antony, Caesar's best officer, did not accompany him on this campaign either.

Antony, who became a private citizen again during this disgrace, put an end to his antics and also divorced Antonia Hybrida Minor, who had allegedly had an affair with Cornelius Dolabella, and so married the widow of Clodius and Curion, Fulvie, who belonged to a large consular family, and was a woman of power. He had a first son shortly afterwards, Marcus Antonius Minor, and a second a few years later, Iullus Antonius.

It's possible that Antony was then a praetor, a position he may have held between 48 and 45, 47 being the most logical year for a classic cursus honorum, with the questorship in 52, the tribune of the plebs in 49 and finally the consulate in 44.

Julius Caesar returned briefly to Rome after his victory in Africa, brought Cleopatra to Rome and was appointed Roman dictator for ten years. He embellished the city, staged shows and took measures in favor of the Roman knights. He left to crush a final Pompeian uprising in Hispania. He was back in Rome by the end of August 45, having celebrated four triumphs on his first return and celebrating a fifth after Hispania and the end of the civil war.

Caesar now held all the power, and plots were being hatched against him, with some even approaching Mark Antony during the summer, according to Plutarch, who probably relies on Cicero, but this seems unlikely.

"When Caesar returned from Spain, he gave Antony the greatest proof of his esteem: he crossed Italy, with him at his side in his chariot. Caesar, appointed consul for the fifth time, gave Antony himself as a colleague. Soon wishing to relinquish the consulship and resign it to Dolabella, he makes the overture to the Senate; but Antony opposes it so bitterly, hurls so many insults at Dolabella and receives so many from him, that Caesar, ashamed of such a scandalous scene, abandons the project for the time being. He soon returned to it, however, and wanted to declare Dolabella consul; but Antony having complained that the omens were against it, Caesar finally gave in, and abandoned Dolabella, who was very upset."

- Plutarch, Vies parallèles des hommes illustres, Vie d'Antoine, 13 - translated by Ricard, 1840.

Julius Caesar chose Mark Antony to be his co-consul for 44, even though Antony was only 38 years old. On February 14, the Senate granted Caesar perpetual dictatorship. His power was now limitless. The following day, in a famous episode, Caesar twice refused the symbol of royalty offered to him by Antony. Caesar prepares a campaign in the East against the Parthians and must leave Rome on March 18.

Three days before, on the Ides of March, Julius Caesar was assassinated in Pompey's Curia by some twenty conspiratorial senators calling themselves "Republicans", including Caius Cassius Longinus, Marcus Junius Brutus, Decimus Junius Brutus, Caius Trebonius and Servius Sulpicius Galba. Mark Antony was kept outside the Curia during the murder. After discovering the assassination, he took fright and fled, discarding his consul's toga so as not to be recognized. However, the conspirators had not planned to kill him at Brutus' request.

From Master of Rome to "public enemy" (March 44 - Nov. 43)

The conspirators panicked and fled. They had intended to throw Caesar's body into the Tiber, but for fear of Mark Antony's reaction, they refrained from doing so. They had no plan for the future, believing that murdering the "tyrant" would be enough to re-establish the Republic. The murderers first went to the Forum Romanum, but received no support for their deed, so they took refuge on the Capitoline Hill.

On the Caesarian side, Mark Antony barricaded himself in his home, while Cornelius Dolabella, who was to be appointed suffect consul, appeared in the Forum wearing consular insignia and pretended to approve the murder. Lepidus, the deceased's cavalry master, reacted just as swiftly, having his troops occupy the Champ de Mars and then the Forum, and wished to avenge the murder swiftly. Marc Antony, quickly pulling himself together, gets his hands on Caesar's papers and money.

Mark Antony, the only remaining consul, held the most important position and embodied the legality of the Roman Republic.

With no troops, no money and no popular support, the conspirators were forced to deal, against the advice of Cicero, who was not part of the conspiracy, and who implored them to attack Mark Antony before it was too late. However, a majority of the conspirators and Caesarians were in favor of a rapprochement.

So, on the 16th, Mark Antony convened the Senate for the following day. In a tense atmosphere, with soldiers in town, a compromise was quickly reached: Caesar's assassins were amnestied, at Antony's suggestion, and in return Caesar's achievements and decisions were validated. We even see Cassius dining with Mark Antony and Brutus with Lepidus.

"The next day, Antony assembled the Senate, proposed a general amnesty, and asked that provinces be assigned to Brutus and Cassius. The Senate gives force of law to these proposals, and also decrees that all acts of Caesar's dictatorship are maintained. Antony left the Senate covered in glory: there was no doubt that he had prevented civil war, and handled difficult matters with the prudence of a consummate politician, and which could lead to the greatest troubles. "

- Plutarch, Vies parallèles des hommes illustres, Vie d'Antoine, 14 - translated by Ricard, 1840.

This compromise was indeed a great success for Mark Antony, who managed to appease the veterans, win over the majority of the Senate and appear to the conspirators as their privileged and protective interlocutor.

Shortly afterwards, Brutus, against the advice of Cassius and Cicero, agreed that Caesar should be given a public funeral and that his will should be read and validated. At the dictator's funeral on March 20, Antony presided as consul and, although the people were in favor of reconciliation, the public reading of the will and perhaps the maneuvers and even the speech of Mark Antony inflamed the population. However, ancient authors differ on Antony's exact role, with Dion Cassius accusing him of inflaming the people, while Suetonius states that he in no way stirred up the crowd's anger. Some historians consider it true that Antony celebrated Caesar's memory, announced favorable posthumous measures to the people and, above all, incited a riot against his assassins.

Several buildings in the Forum Romanum and some of the conspirators' homes were set on fire. Panicked, the conspirators fled Rome and Italy the following day. Cleopatra VII returned to Egypt, giving birth to a son on the way, known as Caesarion.

On March 19, in Antony's house, Caesar's will was opened and read: Caius Octavius, the dictator's grand-nephew, was the principal heir and, above all, adopted. The 19-year-old was then in Illyria and became a member of the gens Iulia under the name Caius Iulius Caesar (Octavianus) or "Octavian Caesar". Antony, like Decimus Brutus, was one of the second-ranking heirs.

Antony had been entrusted with sorting Caesar's papers and had appropriated part of his fortune, which he refused to return to Octavian. He also recognized Cornelius Dolabella as suffect consul. Antony had Caesar's deeds confirmed by the people and the dictatorship abolished. He also had a large number of bills ratified, claiming to have found them in Caesar's papers. This ensured his popularity. Among others, with Dolabella, he ensured that poor citizens benefited from land distributions, provided for a third category of court judges to be recruited from among the centurions, and allowed those convicted of use of force, lèse-majesté, forgery and false testimony to appeal to the people. Under the name of Caesar, he had exiles recalled and granted Roman citizenship to Sicilians. With his support, Lepidus became pontifex maximus, succeeding Caesar. Antony's daughter was betrothed to Lepidus the Younger. However, for reasons unknown, the engagement was later broken off.

In this way, Antony established himself as the true continuator of Caesar's policies, winning back many of his supporters and winning over new ones.

He set up an armed guard for his safety, which soon grew to six thousand men. As for Brutus and Cassius, Antony exempted them from their praetorian duties on the pretext that he could not guarantee their safety in Rome. He then put them in charge of grain supplies from Sicily and Asia. These were secondary missions unworthy of their ranks and kept them away from Rome, but the balance of power was against them. They then refused the governorship of secondary provinces and moved to Athens.

The Senate allocated the provinces of Macedonia and Syria respectively to the two consuls, Antony and Dolabella, for the year 43. Antony had the allocation changed, taking over Cisalpine Gaul, where the conspirator Decimus Brutus was stationed, and Hairy Gaul, with part of the Macedonian legions that were to campaign against the Parthians.

With the funds at his disposal, Antony moved some of Caesar's veterans to Campania, in accordance with Caesar's wishes. He left Rome under the control of his two brothers, Caius and Lucius. The former became de facto praetor of the city, while the latter was tribune of the plebs.

Octavian arrived in Rome in May, while Antony was in Campania. Antony's two brothers cannot deny him the right to claim his adoptive father's inheritance. Antony and Octavian met shortly afterwards, the former receiving Octavian morbidly and refusing to return Caesar's fortune. Despite Antony's opposition, Octavian was elected tribune of the plebs. He went into debt to pay off the bequests promised in Caesar's will to the people and veterans, and to build up a private guard of his own. The enmity between the two men was bound to grow.

What's more, in the Senate, and particularly for Cicero, Antony appeared much more dangerous than Octavian, and the latter was prepared to postpone revenge for the murder of his adoptive father in order to strengthen his position. Antony found himself in a difficult and paradoxical political position, forced to stick to the compromise reached at the end of March. Either he broke with the murderers but alienated the Senate, or he maintained the compromise but gave the impression of betraying Caesar's memory and risked losing his supporters to Octavian. Thus, Caesar's adopted son allies himself with the Senate and certain conspirators against Caesar's successor as head of state, a situation that is just as paradoxical.

"Octavian and Antony opposed each other in every way, though they had not yet broken openly; although they were really at war, they were at least keeping up appearances. Rome is full of disorder and confusion. They are still at peace, and already they are at war; a phantom of freedom is visible, but the actions are those of despotism. In appearance Antony, as consul, has the advantage, but general affection leaned towards Octavian both because of his father and because of hope in his promises, especially since the people are tired of Antony's great power and favor Octavian, who is still without strength."

- Dion Cassius, Roman History, Book XLV, 11 - Gros translation, 1855.

In September 44, Cicero began a series of speeches against Antony, the Philippics. Octavian also played a part in the rift between the Senate and Antony, continuing to recruit among Caesar's veterans. Antony left Rome in October for Brundus and some of the Macedonian legions. But Octavian had propagandized the soldiers, and Antony was not well received. In November, just as Octavian had secured the support of many of the veterans, he saw two of the Macedonian legions join him in Etruria.

Antony tried to regain control of the situation at the end of November and rushed things through the Senate. He then marched on Cisalpine Gaul, where the conspirator Decimus Brutus was present. Brutus pretended to cede his province to Antony, but in mid-December locked himself in Modena to resist. The Senate, led by a fiery Cicero in support of Octavian, took advantage of the situation to overturn Mark Antony's provincial decisions.

The "War of Modena" was implicitly declared at the end of December, with not only the Senate, but also the moderate Caesarian consuls of 43 Vibius Pansa and Aulus Hirtius, Octavian and his legions and Decimus Brutus, facing Marc Antony's forces alone, who were then laying siege to Modena.

However, at the beginning of January 43, Cicero failed to have Antony declared a "public enemy" or to pass a senatus consultum ultimum declaring a state of emergency. On the contrary, Antony's allies succeeded in having a delegation sent to him. Antony must cede Cisalpine Gaul and submit. He was ready to accept, but demanded the Transalpine region and its legions for five years, the validity of his decisions of 44 and rewards for his soldiers similar to those received by Octavian's soldiers shortly before. This time, Cicero obtained the senatus consultum ultimum and the rejection of Antony's claims, but Antony was not yet declared a "public enemy".

"Cicero, who then had the greatest authority in Rome, and who was stirring up everyone against Antony, finally managed to persuade the Senate to send Octavian the bundles with the other ornaments of the praetorship, and to give troops to Hirtius and Pansa, to drive Antony out of Italy: these were the two consuls of that year. They attacked Antony near the city of Modena, and defeated him completely; but they both perished in the action."

- Plutarch, Vies parallèles des hommes illustres, Vie d'Antoine, 18 - translated by Ricard, 1840.

In Modena, Antony was in trouble, unable to take the city held by Decimus Brutus and beginning to suffer from a lack of provisions. The consuls and Octavian marched against Antony. The latter, outnumbered, engaged Pansa and Octavian in battle, which he managed to repel, but was in turn forced to retreat by the arrival of Hirtius' legions at the battle of Forum Gallorum. Octavian had himself proclaimed imperator for the defense of the camp, while Pansa was mortally wounded. A week later, on April 21, in front of Modena, Antony suffered another defeat, two to one. He withdrew westwards with his cavalry and the remnants of his infantry. Losses were heavy on both sides, with Aulus Hirtius killed in action and Vibius Pansa succumbing to his wounds, leaving Octavian as the sole victor.

At the end of April, Antony and his supporters were declared "public enemies". Octavian is refused the ovation proposed by Cicero, but Decimus Brutus is granted the triumph and entrusted with the mission of pursuing Antony and ending the civil war. Sextus Pompey was given command of the fleet, while Brutus and Cassius were awarded the important provinces of Macedonia and Syria respectively. The Pompeian and Republican cause experienced a revival. In the East, on his way to Syria, Cornelius Dolabella succeeded in defeating, capturing and executing Caius Trebonius, one of the conspirators then in Asia. But he was then defeated by Cassius Longinus, who had seized the Syrian province. Dolabella committed suicide, and the East was in the hands of the "Republicans".

However, the troops of the two dead consuls refused to obey Decimus Brutus, remaining under Octavian's control. In Liguria, Mark Antony partially restored the situation, with reinforcements led by Ventidius Bassus joining him. Antony was able to move on to Narbonnaise, a province of which Lepidus was governor in addition to Hispania citérieure. At the beginning of 43, Lepidus tried to reconcile the Senate and Antony. Although a staunch Caesarian who had wished the conspirators dead, he also had friendly relations with the Senate and cohabited with Sextus Pompey in Hispania, cautiously, without seeking combat. However, he, or rather his officers and troops, joined the camp of Mark Antony, who now possessed the largest army in the West.

In mid-May, Octavian began secret negotiations with Antony. Decimus Brutus marched to Lyon, without Octavian's legions, to join Munatius Plancus, who was hostile to Antony. However, Munatius Plancus, who had remained neutral until then, reconciled with Antony. Decimus Brutus was forced to flee, but was killed in the Jura mountains in the autumn by a Celtic chieftain, perhaps on Antony's orders, who also saw Caius Asinius Pollio join him. Octavian was entrusted by the Senate with the war against Antony and Lepidus, but was not granted the consulship he coveted. He marches on Rome rather than against the "public enemies". The Senate relented, and Octavian became consul in his twenties.

The Senate, including Cicero, pays for its political mistakes and for having underestimated Octavian. Octavian rewards his soldiers with public money and the approval of a submissive Senate, and devotes himself to avenging his adoptive father. All the conspirators were condemned, along with Sextus Pompey, by a law known as the lex Pedia. Then, at the instigation of Lepidus, Octavian travels to Cisalpine Gaul to meet Marc Antony.

The second triumvirate against the "Republicans" (Nov. 43 - Oct. 42)

In early November 43, Octavian, Lepidus and Antony met not far from Bologna and Modena. Suspicion reigned between the three men, and no less than forty-three legions were gathered around them. After two days of discussions, they agreed to found a new magistracy for themselves, with extraordinary powers for five years: the Triumviri Rei Publicae Constituendae or "triumvirs for the restoration of the Republic".

In addition, they conferred proconsular imperium on each other in the provinces they shared: Antony kept Hairy Gaul and perhaps Cisalpine Gaul, which had normally been part of Italy since 49, Lepidus Narbonnaise and the Hispanic provinces, and Octavian received Africa, the focus of struggles between Caesarians and Republicans, and the islands of Sicily and Sardinia, controlled or threatened by Sextus Pompey. Italy remained undivided, while the East was in Republican hands.

On November 27 43, this second triumvirate was instituted by a law, the lex Titia. To complete their alliance, Octavian married Antony's beautiful daughter, Clodia Pulchra.

The triumvirs' primary objective remains to avenge Caesar and wage war against his murderers. Before setting out on the campaign trail, the triumvirs decided to take action against enemies from within, resorting to a disastrous procedure used in the past: proscription. A third of the Senate and two thousand knights were on the first lists of proscribed men. The image of Antony directing the proscriptions and rejoicing exaggeratedly at the executions remains. However, the ancient sources are skewed by Augustan propaganda, which seeks to exonerate Octavian from the most heinous crimes, instead damning Lepidus and above all Antony.

Among the most famous of Antony's outlaws, Cicero was executed on December 7, having been abandoned by Octavian to Antony's vindictiveness. He also had his son Marcus Tullius Cicero, who survived, but also his brother Quintus Tullius Cicero and his nephew, both murdered. The triumvir had his uncle Lucius Iulius Caesar proscribed. The latter had opposed Caesar's public funeral and Antony's policies by obtaining the repeal of his agrarian law of June 44. He did not hesitate to support the declaration of his nephew and Lepidus as hostis. He escaped death thanks to the intervention of Julia, Antony's mother. Marcus Favonius, an emulator of Cato the Younger who had taken part in meetings of the "Liberators" alongside the conspirators and Cicero, was also proscribed. He was imprisoned and executed after Philippi. Appian of Alexandria gives other names of outlaws in whose assassinations Antony was involved: for example, the plebeian tribune Salvius and a former praetor Turanius. Antony also proscribed Caius Licinius Verres, who had been prosecuted by Cicero for his embezzlement in Sicily between 73 and 71 and was now living in opulence in Massalia after his exile, getting his hands on his very important art collection.

Brutus had Caius Antonius executed, in retaliation for Cicero's death. Antony's brother had been governor of Macedonia the previous year, had welcomed the conspirators and then, once the new year had arrived, attempted to contest the province awarded to Brutus.

The proscription at the start of the second triumvirate was a well-considered political act, which ultimately claimed relatively few victims and ended after two months in January 42 BC. Roman society was nonetheless traumatized by this episode, which was nonetheless less bloody and murderous than what it had experienced under Sylla. Many of the outcasts joined Sextus Pompey in Sicily or the "Republicans" in the East.

In the summer of 42, Octavian and Antony set sail for Greece, leaving Rome under the administration of Lepidus and Plancus, and Sicily in the hands of their enemy Sextus Pompey. Cassius Longinus and Junius Brutus were unable to prevent the triumvirs from seizing Macedonia because they had not acted quickly enough. The two armies met at Philippi, not far from via Egnatia. Antony led the army to this point, later joined by Octavian, stricken with fever. One hundred thousand men faced each other, the triumvirs having a slight numerical superiority in infantry, but the republican cavalry was more numerous.

The Republicans had the advantage of the terrain, forcing the triumvirs to take the initiative. The first battle of Philippi took place on October 3, 42. Antony broke through Cassius' defenses, but Brutus prevailed over Octavian, who escaped the battle ill that day. Antony's audacity and imagination enabled him to turn an unfavorable situation around and win over Cassius. Cassius committed suicide, believing the battle to be lost, but the triumvirs remained in a difficult situation. On the same day, the triumvirs lost a sea convoy with two reinforcing legions in a one-sided naval battle. After a war of attrition, Brutus was forced by his soldiers to lead the fight, and the second battle took place on October 23. After a long, evenly-balanced battle, Antony turned the Republican army's retreat into a rout, with Brutus committing suicide shortly afterwards. Antony was generous towards the defeated, in contrast to the ruthless Octavian. Fifty thousand Roman citizens died in the fighting.

"The victory of the triumvirs, especially Antony, was total, and the Roman Republic died on the battlefield of Philippi.

- Jean-Michel Roddaz, "L'héritage" in François Hinard (ed.), Histoire romaine des origines à Auguste, Fayard, 2000, pp. 851-853.

"The battle of Philippi consecrated Antony's military talents; glory came to him and stayed with him for ten years, as did prestige among veterans who long refused to fight him."

- Ronald Syme, The Roman Revolution, 1939, quoted in Monique Jallet-Huant, Marc Antoine, 2009, p. 153.

Caesar's three heirs proceeded to deify him, erecting the Temple of the Divine Caesar on the site of his pyre in the Forum Romanum. This popular measure strengthened all three men, especially Octavian, who became divi fiulius. A fourth major flaminate was created to oversee the cult of Divine Caesar, and the first flaminate appointed was Marc Antony.

Master of the Roman East (42-32)

Following the victory at Philippi, Antony's dominant position was reflected in the ensuing division of Roman lands: he took charge of the reorganization of the East, but also retained his provinces of Gaule chevelue and Cisalpine, while adding Narbonnaise at the expense of Lepidus. The latter also lost Hispania to Octavian, and was only entrusted with Africa, seeing himself reduced to a secondary role. Italy remained undivided, but Octavian was entrusted with the onerous and unpopular task of demobilizing and settling veterans on Italian soil.

Antony had probably not made a bad choice in taking charge of the East and the Gauls, which nevertheless distanced him from Rome. One of his lieutenants, the son of Quintus Fufius Calenus, held the Gauls for him, and several of his supporters safeguarded his interests in Rome, including Publius Ventidius Bassus, consul suffect in 43, Lucius Munatius Plancus, consul in 42, Lucius Antonius the following year and Caius Asinius Pollio in 40. Many veterans living in Italy and certain regions and cities, such as the Picenum and towns on the Po River, were won over to his side.

The situation in the East was not flourishing, due to the needs of the Republicans who had squeezed these regions. What's more, the Parthian threat was still real, especially as the Parthians had supported the defeated, even if they hadn't been able to reach Philippi in time. Antony could take up Caesar's plan to attack the Parthian Empire, avenge Crassus and gain glory.

In 42, the Roman East consisted mainly of various client kingdoms and few Roman provinces. These included Macedonia, Asia, Pontus-Bithynia, Cilicia, Cyprus, Syria and Cyrenaica. On the other hand, there was a multitude of client states of Rome. In Europe, there was the tribal kingdom of the Odryses of Thrace. In Anatolia, two large vassal kingdoms, Galatia and Cappadocia, and several smaller ones such as Paphlagonia, allies like Rhodes, Cyzicum and the federal state of Lycia. There were also tyrants in Tarsus, Amisos and Cos. In the Middle East, we find the Hellenistic kingdom of Commagene and those of Judea and Nabatene, as well as several Arab principalities. Finally, in the south, there is Ptolemaic Egypt, under Roman protectorate since Julius Caesar.

Antony spent the winter of 42-41 in Athens. "Philhellene, friend of the Athenians, the triumvir showed himself at his best. He was generous to the Hellenic cities and initiated himself into the mysteries of Eleusis.

He then travelled to Asia to raise money, then to Bithynia and Pontus. Back in Asia Minor, he was welcomed as a god in Ephesus, a "new Dionysus". He behaved more like a Hellenistic ruler than a Roman imperator, and demanded exceptional financial contributions. He exempted communities that had remained loyal to the Caesarians during the civil war, and compensated those that had suffered at the hands of the Republicans, such as the Rhodian and Lycian allies, or the cities of Laodicea in Syria and Tarsus in Cilicia. He forgave the Roman nobles who had supported the Republican cause, with the exception of Caesar's assassins.

He also settled the fate of Rome's vassal states. Ariarathe X was confirmed king of Cappadocia after his brother Ariobarzane III was executed by order of Cassius on the eve of Philippi. In Judea, Cassius' departure from Syria led to unrest. Several Jewish delegations complained to Antony about Antipater's sons, Phasael and Herod. Antipater took the initiative and went to meet Antony, giving him a large sum of money to avoid having to justify himself, and the two brothers, Phasael and Herod, were confirmed in their positions.

He called Rome's principal eastern vassal, the Ptolemaic Egyptian queen Cleopatra VII, to account. The triumvirs never saw the relief fleet she had sent to Philippi, as it turned out to have been destroyed by a violent storm. The latter, summoned to Tarsus like the other vassals, comes to meet Antony and manages to justify himself, after inviting the triumvir aboard his magnificent ship for a sumptuous banquet. Ancient authors place here the beginning of the famous romance between Antony and Cleopatra, often described as Antony's total submission to Cleopatra, making the queen an evil adversary of Rome and Marc Antony's evil genius, but modern historians reject these considerations, pointing out that all ancient sources are therefore influenced a posteriori by Augustan propaganda. Antony had to spare Cleopatra, as she was the most powerful vassal in the East and also an indispensable point of support against the Parthians. Antony's summons and Cleopatra's arrival in Tarsus was the scene of "many unromantic negotiations".

According to some historians, before the winter of 44, Antony installed Cleopatra's sister Arsinoe on the throne of Cyprus, perhaps as a counterweight to the Egyptian queen. However, the latter retook the island the following year, but this hypothesis is not unanimously accepted, as Arsinoe may not have left her exile in Ephesus, where she had been relegated by Caesar as early as 46. In 42, in recognition of Cleopatra's help to Cornelius Dolabella in 44, the triumvirs granted Caesarion, her son by Caesar, the title of king. At the time, she had sent back four legions stationed in Egypt, and was not unhappy to see them leave Alexandria for Syria. In 41, Antony had Arsinoe, already a pretender to the Egyptian throne in 48-47, executed. The triumvir was also firm with Cleopatra, from whom he withdrew control of Cyprus.

In his first months in the East, Antony gathered money, reorganized his troops and secured the alliance of kings and princes. He also built up his image as a Hellenistic prince, which won him the affection of the cities and peoples, but also played into the hands of Octavian's hostile propaganda.

Antony accompanied Cleopatra and spent the winter of 41-40 in Alexandria. He had an affair with the queen and two twins were born in 40, Alexander and Selene. According to some ancient authors, echoed by modern historians, Antony led a carefree life of lust in Alexandria. Antony learned that the Parthians had gone on the offensive and left Egypt for Syria to confront them, but after a short stay in Tyre, one of the last remaining loyal cities in the region, he set sail for Greece and then Italy, where his supporters and those of Octavian clashed.

At the end of 42, Octavian found himself at the head of Italy, with the task of assigning land to veterans of the civil wars. This mission was a delicate one, and he soon found himself with some of the nobility against him. Fulvia, Marc Antony's wife, strongly wanted her husband to rule Rome alone, rather than sharing power with Lepidus and Octavian. Aided by Antony's brother Lucius Antonius, who was consul at the time and seemed more sincere in his intentions, she encouraged the anger of the senators and all Italians who were upset by the distribution of land to veterans. Octavian was forced to relinquish responsibility for land distribution to the consul Lucius Antonius. But the two men didn't get along and threatened each other. Despite a number of mediations, not least by their own soldiers, who wanted the distributions to be carried out, conflict broke out between the two men.

Antony's other generals hesitated, leaving the field open to Octavian's. Antony, embarrassed and busy in the East, gave no instructions. Moreover, he probably didn't want to discourage those who defended his interests and remained in a wait-and-see position. The conflict ended in February 40 with the capture of Perugia and the surrender of Lucius Antonius. The lives of Fulvia and Lucius were spared, but the latter was sent to govern a Spanish province and Fulvia was forced to divorce Antonius. She died shortly afterwards.

Octavian returned to Rome in glory following his victory, then left for Gaul to seize the Antonian legions. He was soon faced with Antony's arrival in Italy in August 40. For several weeks, Sextus Pompey had been ravaging the Italian coast, jeopardizing Octavian's position. Agrippa, in charge of Rome and Italy, repulsed Pompey, recaptured some of the cities that had risen up for Antony, and was one of the intermediaries who brought about peace between Antony and Octavian. Quintus Salvidienus Rufus, who was on the verge of betraying Octavian for Antony, was arrested and condemned after Antony naively revealed him to his colleague. Following the Pact of Brundus, the triumvirs once again agreed on their respective powers, and Antony married Octavia, Octavian's sister. Their first daughter, Antonia the Elder, was born in 39.

Antony was recognized as master of the East and Octavian of the West, the town of Scodra in Illyria marking the border between the two. Antony thus lost the Gauls, while Lepidus remained in Africa and Italy undivided. Another agreement, that of Misene in 39, granted Sextus Pompey the Italian islands as well as the Peloponnese.

Antony left Rome, where he would never return, for the East and the war against the Parthians.

During the Civil War of the Liberators, the Republicans called on the Parthians several times to confront the Caesarians, notably against Cornelius Dolabella in Syria. The Parthian contingent led by Quintus Labienus never joined the Republican troops against the triumvirs at Philippi, and the Parthians did not immediately take advantage of the vacuum created by the civil war in the Eastern Roman system. This was due to the hesitancy of the Parthian king Ordes II, despite Labienus's appeals. The fact that Antony was in Alexandria for the winter of 41-40, and that the only two legions defending Syria were made up of former republican troops incorporated by Antony after Philippi, who could be rallied by Labienus, finally convinced the Arsacid king. His son Pacorus launched the offensive, Antony's general was defeated and killed in Cilicia, and Syria and Judea quickly fell into the hands of Barzapharnes' Parthians. Quintus Labienus then led the rallied Roman troops in the conquest of Anatolia.

Antony, then in Italy following the Perugian war, sent Publius Ventidius Bassus, his best lieutenant, against the Parthians. Ventidius arrived in Asia in the spring of 39. Surprising Quintus Labienus, he pursued him and forced him into battle not far from the Taurus Mountains. He won the battle, integrating some of the opposing forces into his own troops, while Labienus was captured and later executed. Antony's lieutenant then defeated a Parthian army and restored Roman authority over Syria by the end of 39, following a series of successful blitzkrieg campaigns.

Antony left Italy following the Peace of Misene and spent the winter of 39-38 in Athens. He distinguished himself by his Dionysism and was honored by the city with Octavia, likened to Athena. Against his advice, Octavian reopens the conflict against Sextus Pompey. The two triumvirs plan to meet at Brundus, but the meeting fails to take place, and it remains unclear which of them is careful to avoid the other.

In the spring of 38, the Parthians resumed the offensive. Ventidius Bassus again crushed the Parthian army led by Pacorus, who was killed in battle. Antony's lieutenant then began to settle the fate of the Roman vassal states in the region, which had either failed or been overwhelmed.

It was then that Antony arrived in Syria and joined his subordinate before the walls of Samosate, the capital of the kingdom of Commagene, an ally of Rome but accused of aiding the Parthians. The city proved impregnable and Antony was forced to negotiate, Commagene once again allying itself with Rome without reprisals from Antony. In Judea, Barzapharnes' Parthians took the pro-Roman rulers prisoner, with the exception of Herod, who managed to escape and lead the fight against them. With the help of Antony's lieutenant Caius Sosius, Jerusalem is retaken. Herod becomes King of Judea.

Antony returned to Athens for the winter of 38-37 with his wife Octavia, while Ventidius Bassus celebrated his triumph in Rome, without Antony taking offense. Orodès II was assassinated in the last days of the year by his son Phraatès IV, who succeeded him on the Arsacid throne, eliminating his remaining brothers as well.

Octavian was then in great difficulty against Sextus Pompey, and sought his colleague's help through Maecenas. Antony agreed to meet Octavian in Taranto, thanks in particular to Octavia's insistence in the spring of 37. After difficult discussions, the second triumvirate was extended at the Pact of Taranto for five years, having expired six months earlier. Octavian promised to send two legions to Antony to fight the Parthians, while Antony immediately sent ships to reinforce the Octavian fleet.

It was also agreed that Marcus Antonius Minor, Antony's eldest son, would marry Julia. A second daughter was born of the union between Antony and Octavia in early 36: Antonia the Younger.

Like Octavian, Plutarch claims "Antony is happier when he wages war through his lieutenants than when he wages it in person". Indeed, Ventidius Bassus won great victories and triumphed over the Parthians, Caius Sosius recaptured Judea after a difficult war and triumphed in his turn, while Publius Canidius Crassus subdued Armenia. In the West, while Octavian suffered setbacks at the hands of Sextus Pompey, Vipsanius Agrippa led a series of exploits in Gaul, then took command of the Sicilian war, winning it in 36.

Antony understood that Octavian would not keep his promise to send him legions for the war against the Parthians. He therefore decided to turn to his principal vassal in the East, Queen Cleopatra VII of Ptolemaic Egypt. He met Cleopatra again in Antioch four years after their first liaison, for political and military reasons. In addition to substantial financial resources, the kingdom of Egypt enabled Antony to reinforce his fleet, which had been deprived of the ships sent to Octavian.

The triumvir set about the task of completely reorganizing the East, with a mandate from the Senate, and restored order among the vassal states of Anatolia. In 39, he had re-established Darius, son of Pharnace II according to Appian, as king of the part of Pontus close to Bithynia, then on the death of the last descendant of Mithridates VI, he entrusted the kingdom of Pontus to Polemon. He imposed Amyntas in Galatia and appointed Archelaos in Cappadocia. This was in addition to his first decisions in 41. The Parthian invasion showed just how weak Pompey's eastern organization had become, with its many political and economic difficulties. The men Antony chose to lead his client kingdoms were all energetic and deeply devoted to Roman interests.

He summoned the queen to Antioch and delegated Cilicia, Phoenicia, Coele-Syria and perhaps Cyprus to her for shipbuilding purposes, as these provinces were either wooded or coastal areas suitable for the fleet. However, Antony refused to entrust him with Judea, which Cleopatra had requested. Antony's decisions met with no criticism in Rome, with modern historians pointing out that the triumvir was legitimate in his reorganization of the East with a view to the war against the Parthians.

Antony also married Queen Cleopatra VII, and recognized and adopted the twins Alexander and Selene, born in 40. This union did not seem to shock when it was announced. Antony then had a third child by Cleopatra, Ptolemy. Cleopatra was Rome's main ally in the East and Antony's main supporter in his fight against the Parthians. The contours of a "Romano-Ptolemaic" or "Romano-Hellenistic" East began to take shape for Antony.

He spent the winter of 37-36 in Antioch, preparing for the Parthian War. He assembled a huge army of sixteen legions, comprising 160,000 legionaries and 40,000 auxiliaries and cavalry. This was the largest army Rome had ever assembled in the East, with twice the strength of Crassus in 53 and three times that of Lucullus and Sylla for the Mithridatic War.

Antony seemed intent on conquering Parthia, or at least winning the king's submission by seizing Ecbatane, the oldest Parthian capital. In addition to relying on his large army, his rear positions were strengthened in Anatolia, Syria and Judea, and Antony could count on the support of the vassal kingdoms of Cappadocia, Pontus and Commagene. He could also count on Artavazde of Armenia following Canidius Crassus' campaign in 37. Finally, the ruler of the Parthians, Phraates IV, was faced with a rebellion from part of the royal family and aristocracy after his bloody seizure of power.

After fruitless negotiations with an important Parthian military leader, who finally sided with Phraates, Antony launched the campaign in June, leaving Antioch with 100,000 men. He traveled almost 1,500 kilometers in just a few weeks to reach the Armenian king, who urged him to attack his enemy, Atropatene. Antony sought a decisive battle to subdue this kingdom and open up a route to the heart of the Parthian kingdom. He reached the Median capital in mid-August, leaving the logistical train behind under the guard of two legions. The Parthian and Mede armies annihilated this Roman rearguard without Antony being able to come to their aid.

Antony, lacking siege engines, had to abandon his plan to seize the Mede city. He tried to negotiate with Phraates IV, but to no avail. He was forced to retreat in mid-October, a very difficult retreat in enemy territory, with increasing supply difficulties, harassed by Parthian cavalry and facing the first assaults of winter in mountainous terrain. The Roman army suffered many losses. After almost a month, he managed to reach Armenia, having lost almost 20,000 infantrymen and 4,000 cavalrymen, but saving his army from total rout. Plutarch recounts a retreat during which no less than eighteen battles were fought to make his way into Armenia. He quickly left this country for Syria, to ensure that his interests and territories were preserved after his rout, losing a further 8,000 men along the way. Antony had lost two-fifths of his army during his campaign, and Cleopatra came to meet him with provisions, clothes and money.

"The retreat is heroic It's in these most delicate moments that Antoine's courage, greatness of spirit and bravery come into their own."

- Jean-Michel Roddaz, "L'héritage" in François Hinard (ed.), Histoire romaine des origines à Auguste, Fayard, 2000, p. 884.

"His campaign is a lamentable fiasco."

- Peter Green (trans. Odile Demange), "Caesar, Pompey and the last Ptolemies (80 - 30 BC)" in D'Alexandre à Actium, du partage de l'empire au triomphe de Rome (323 - 30 BC), Robert Laffont, 1990 (trans. 1997), p. 884.

"In the failure of the Parthian campaign, Antony's responsibilities cannot be minimized - and they are important both in terms of assessing the psychology and mentality of his adversary, and in terms of strategy - but his courage, his prestige and popularity with the troops, and the confidence of his men enabled him to overcome the difficulties and save what was essential, namely his army. The campaign ends in defeat, but it's not a disaster."

- Jean-Michel Roddaz, "L'héritage" in François Hinard (ed.), Histoire romaine des origines à Auguste, Fayard, 2000, p. 885.

Sextus Pompey, defeated by Vipsanius Agrippa, managed to escape to Lesbos, an island off the coast of Asia. He sought Antony's friendship and, on learning of the latter's setbacks during the winter of 36-35, sought alliances with Rome's eastern vassals and even the Parthians. Antony was soon convinced of his duplicity by his lieutenants, and Sextus Pompey was killed. Octavian officially thanked Antony for the demise of his adversary, although it remains unclear whether Pompey was executed on his direct orders, those of Lucius Munatius Plancus or on the initiative of Marcus Titius.

The end of this conflict also enabled Octavian to dismiss Lepidus. The latter had tried to take advantage of the opportunity to recover Sextus Pompey's forces, but made a political error in doing so, and Octavian deposed him as triumvir and found himself at the head of all the western forces.

During the Median campaign, Octavia was in Rome, where the alliance between Antony and Cleopatra was beginning to be seen as a threat to the West and to Octavian. Octavian reacted by sending his sister and daughters on a mission to their husband and father Antony in early 35. She left Italy with only 2,000 soldiers and some of the ships loaned by Antony - seventy out of the one hundred and twenty - in breach of the Tarentum agreement, which called for 20,000 men and the complete return of the fleet. Octavian was strengthened by his victory over Pompey and was the sole master of the West, while Antony was weakened by the Parthian campaign, and the young triumvir played Antony off. If Antony accepts the reinforcements led by his Roman wife, he acknowledges his colleague's superiority and jeopardizes his relationship with Cleopatra, whose logistical support he still needs. If he refuses, he breaks the peace and puts an end to the triumvirate already weakened by the elimination of Lepidus.

Antony ordered Octavia to turn back. She stopped in Athens and, without showing the slightest outward sign of annoyance, ordered the troops accompanying her to continue towards Alexandria. She herself would then return to Rome. The rupture between the triumvirs was definitive, and Antony decided to return to his only major political and military supporter, Cleopatra VII.

Influenced by Augustan propaganda, ancient sources give Cleopatra a major role in this break-up. It was for her sake that Antony left Armenia for Syria, and for her jealousy that he broke with Octavia and finally went to Alexandria. Her role in Antony's choices, whatever it may have been, is judged by modern historians not to be decisive. Antony acted to preserve his interests and his power over the East.

During the 36th Parthian campaign, the Armenian king's attitude made Antony suspicious of him. Armenian cavalry was present alongside the two legions that were wiped out by a Medo-Parthian army, but did not intervene. However, the Armenians were at war with the Medes, not the Parthians, and they did join Antony in his unsuccessful siege, and Artavazde welcomed Antony's exhausted army after his difficult retreat.

At the instigation of the loyal vassal king Polemon of Pontus, the alliance changed, and Media allied itself with Rome, while the king of Armenia was suspected by Antony of having secret relations with Octavian. After unsuccessful talks, Antony marched on Artaxata and seized the royal family and Artavazde in 34. However, Artavazde's son escaped and found refuge with the Parthians. Antony occupied the whole of Armenia and took a great deal of booty. The borders with the Parthian kingdom were stabilized both to the north and on the Euphrates. The kingdom of Armenia temporarily came under direct Roman control, with Antony appointing his son Alexander Helios as ruler. Alexander was engaged to a daughter of the Mede king, and Antony recovered the ensigns he had lost in 36 during his rout in Atropatene Media.

In 33, the Parthians and the son of the deposed king of Armenia were for a time repulsed by the Medes supported by Antony's forces. However, during the last Republican Civil War, as Antony militarily dismantled the East, the Medes ran into difficulties and Armenia was temporarily lost in 30. The Armenian crisis would continue throughout the history of the Roman Empire.

Antony was consul for the year 34, with Lucius Scribonius Libo as his colleague. He resigned after one day to hand over the magistracy to one of his supporters, Lucius Sempronius Atratinus, who thus became suffect consul alongside Lucius Scribonius Libo, another of his supporters.

In the summer of 34, Antony celebrated his victory over Armenia in the city of Alexandria, in a sumptuous ceremony that resembled a Roman triumph but was in fact a Bacchic procession celebrating the victory of the god Dionysus over Asia. This places Antony in the tradition of the Macedonian hero Alexander the Great. In the triumphal parade, Antony plays the role of Dionysus, while Cleopatra is enthroned like a new Isis. In Rome, Octavian propaganda wrongly interpreted this as a mock Roman triumph.

The triumvir then acted as the "great organizer of the East", again in the image of Alexander. He announced to the people of Alexandria the establishment of an Oriental empire. Cleopatra VII is proclaimed Queen of Kings, an honor more important than the title of King of Kings awarded to Caesarion, the son she may have had from Julius Caesar. Antony therefore recognized Caesarion as the only natural and legitimate son of Caesar.

He proceeded with the "Donations of Alexandria", Cleopatra and Caesarion governed an Egypt enlarged by Cyprus and Cœlé-Syrie, Alexander Helios kept Armenia, Media, which he was to inherit through his marriage, and Parthia to be conquered, Cleopatra Selene received the ancient kingdom of Libya, i.e. the province of Cyrenaica, perhaps including the island of Crete, and Antony and Cleopatra's last son, Ptolemy Philadelphus, was placed at the head of the Roman province of Syria, Phoenicia and Cilicia, perhaps becoming the overlord of the vassal kingdoms of Anatolia. Thus, Alexander Helios more or less took over the ancient Seleucid Empire, dressed as an Achaemenid ruler, while Ptolemy Philadelphus, proclaimed king of Syria and Asia Minor, donned royal Macedonian robes. The Ptolemaic Egypt of Cleopatra and Caesarion was part of the three great Diadochic kingdoms, as was the Achaemenid Persian Empire.

The titles granted by Antony did not cover any political reality, and some of Antony and Cleopatra's children "reigned" over provinces that remained Roman. What's more, a not inconsiderable proportion of the "donated" territories were not actually under Mark Antony's control, a fact not lost on Cleopatra, who was more prosaically content to claim Judea from her lover, to no avail. Antony put Cleopatra's name and effigy on official coins throughout the eastern Mediterranean.

For many modern historians, Antony's Eastern policy was basically a continuation of the policies of Pompey and Julius Caesar, who made and unmade client-kings. In Antony's case, however, these donations proclaimed his overweening ambitions, and he established a personal dynasty. This strengthened his power locally, but also ensured Roman domination, without upsetting the principles based on the coexistence of Roman provinces and protectorates. But distorted by hostile propaganda, these "donations of Alexandria" can serve as arguments for Antony's opponents. For Peter Green, author of a book on the Hellenistic period, "the donations not only make unseemly claims to territories beyond Rome's control or, worse still, already under Roman administration; they also reveal, all too clearly, that Antony's dreams could rely on Cleopatra's power and Egypt's impressive resources. Once again, the irresistible charm of the world empire was at work: the sad lessons of the last three centuries were soon forgotten.

There's no doubt that Octavian feared Mark Antony and his popularity, still strong in the Senate, but Antony's triumph and Caesarion's designation as king of kings made him envisage an even greater danger. This young man was Caesar's only son, and it might one day occur to him, given the right circumstances, to come and claim his paternal inheritance. Octavian will therefore use every means at his disposal to denigrate Antony, and above all Cleopatra, the Egyptian, who holds him under her charms and forces him to give up things that Octavian considers disastrous for Rome.

On January 1, 33, Octavian, then consul, intervened in the Senate to make his first attack on Antony. He obviously rejected the recognition of Caesarion as Caesar's son, and undoubtedly attacked the "establishment of the eastern empire" and the "donations of Alexandria".

Antony summoned his generals and army to Ephesus, where he spent the winter of 33-32. He seemed convinced that the decisions he had taken were not contrary to Roman interests and, what's more, he had acted legally with the powers of a triumvir with extensive imperium in the East. Following his colleague's attacks, he wished to justify his Eastern policy to the Senate, and addressed his acta to the assembly.

In early 32, Antony's message was read by consuls Domitius Ahenobarbus and Caius Sosius, two of Antony's supporters. Sosius harshly criticizes Octavian, who is absent from Rome to prepare his next offensive. Sosius returned to the Senate surrounded by armed guards and launched severe attacks on Antony's policies. The consuls were unable to respond, and together with a sizeable portion of the Senate - perhaps three hundred members, many of them consuls - left Rome to join Antony in Ephesus.

Antony, accompanied by Cleopatra, then travelled to Samos in April, where sumptuous feasts were held. In May, they moved to Athens. Antony decided to divorce Octavia at the beginning of August, severing the last link between the triumvirs. At this point, Antony seemed the most powerful. He had a large army and fleet at his disposal, as well as powerful vassal kingdoms, including Egypt and Judea. What's more, he was supported by a majority of the most prominent Roman aristocracy. But all this heterogeneous support undermined the triumvir's apparent power, as he had to contend with conflicts between Roman aristocrats, between Romans and Orientals, and between Egyptians and Jews. On the contrary, cohesion was the strong point of Octavian's camp.

Cleopatra's involvement in the conflict was not well received by the officers surrounding Antony, especially consul Domitius Ahenobarbus. Antony found himself betrayed by Munatius Plancus and Marcus Titius, who had been at his side for ten years and who had until then been "the queen's most vile worshippers". Yet they seem to have entered into conflict with her, unless Antony has discovered some wrongdoing on their part and they have chosen to distance themselves. The old consular may also have felt the wind shift. The two defectors tell Octavian all sorts of anecdotes about Antony and Cleopatra's "Alexandrian splendors", which prove useful for Octavian's propaganda.

Above all, they reveal the contents of the will that Mark Antony had deposited with the vestals. Octavian illegally seized it and revealed its contents, perhaps somewhat conveniently to fuel his propaganda. In it, Antony affirms under oath that Caesarion is indeed Caesar's son, makes considerable bequests to Cleopatra's children and asks to be buried in Alexandria. Antony seems to have become a prince of the East and a stranger to Rome, whereas Octavian can set himself up as the defender of Rome and Italy.

On both sides, attempts are made to manipulate the people through all kinds of procedures and extensive propaganda. Every act and decision of the adversary is dissected, distorted and criticized. In addition, Octavian particularly targets Cleopatra, seeking to demonstrate that she is the cause of Antony's downfall, that she has "bewitched" him and that she wishes to rule Rome. Among other things, Antony attacks Octavian's supposedly humble origins, claims that he was only adopted by Caesar after having homosexual relations with him, accuses him of cowardice in battle, of being an unrepentant runner and echoes all the gossip. It's hard to measure the impact of this propaganda on the Roman people. Each triumvir had a lot of money and agents at his disposal. Most of the accusations were made in bad faith. Augustan propaganda continued long after the war and strongly influenced later ancient authors.

"The official version of the cause of the war of Actium becomes simple, coherent: it is a just war, waged in defense of freedom and peace against a foreign enemy. A stateless man sought to undermine the freedoms of the Roman people and hand over Italy and the West to an Oriental queen". Antony was stripped of the consulship for the year 31 for which he had been appointed, and war was declared on Cleopatra VII's Ptolemaic Egypt, and on her alone; not a word about Antony. This was the beginning of the last Civil War of the Roman Republic.

Protagonist in the last Republican Civil War (31-30)

Antony held southern Greece, but was dependent on supplies from Egypt and Syria, and for a time considered going on the offensive by attacking Italy. By the end of winter 32-31, however, he was still in Athens with Cleopatra and most of his ground troops, while the bulk of his fleet was in the Gulf of Ambracia. He then set up his headquarters in Patras, and on the strength of his numerical superiority, including nearly 700 ships, and his reserves of provisions, he may have sought to lure Octavian to the Balkans to isolate him from Italy and defeat him more easily.

Octavian's general Vipsanius Agrippa, at the head of the fleet, set about breaking the link between Antony's main squadron in the Gulf of Ambracia and the eastern Mediterranean, particularly Egypt. He inflicted successive defeats on Antony's lieutenants. Agrippa seized Methone to the south, cutting off Antony's supplies, then Corcyra to the north, allowing Octavian's army to land on the Epirote coast and providing a link with Italy.

Antony was taken by surprise. He only reacted once Octavian's army had practically reached the Gulf of Ambracia. From Patras, he went out to meet the opposing army, preventing it from going any further than the gulf. Agrippa continued his naval tactics of harassment and finally isolated Antony from his rear, as Antony's fleet could no longer receive reinforcements, blocked in the gulf by its very narrow strait. The Gulf of Corinth soon fell into Agrippa's hands.

He then sought to engage Octavian in a land battle, who remained cautiously in his camp north of the Gulf. Several members of Antony's staff defected. Agrippa joined Octavian at the beginning of August. Antony tried to loosen the naval grip on his positions. Caius Sosius scored a small victory over a Caesarian squadron blocking the exit from the gulf, but Agrippa arrived in time to defeat Sosius, who withdrew after heavy losses. Agrippa's strategy placed Antony in a difficult situation, locked in the Gulf of Ambracia and subject to a highly effective naval blockade.

After various losses in the preliminary engagements, especially on Antony's side concerning ships, and illnesses on both sides, Antony found himself with 230 ships, including 60 of Cleopatra's Egyptians. Octavian had Agrippa's fleet, made up of 400 slightly smaller ships. On land, the two armies were roughly equal in size and strength, with a total of over 200,000 men.

Octavian, with an experienced general at the head of a superior fleet who had proved himself in the war in Sicily in 36, in the campaigns in Illyria in 35-33 and in the preliminary operations of this war, wanted the decisive confrontation to take place at sea. In this way, he carefully avoided any confrontation on land.

Antony could choose to withdraw with his land army to Macedonia, but in doing so he would sacrifice his fleet, an essential element in maintaining links with the rest of the East. Instead, he opted for a naval confrontation to break the naval blockade. He didn't seem to be looking for a decisive victory, but to save most of his fleet while the land army retreated through Greece to join Antony in the East.

On September 2, 31, Antony's fleet emerged from the Gulf of Ambracia and presented itself in battle order, awaited by Agrippa's squadron offshore. Octavian learns of Antony's intentions from deserters. In the ensuing naval battle, a large part of Antony's fleet is trapped in the fighting following a difficult but successful maneuver by Agrippa. However, Cleopatra's Egyptian ships, soon followed by a squadron with Antony on board, managed to break through the blockade. By the evening of the battle, the two lovers had managed to escape with part of their fleet and treasure, while their land army was intact and ready to withdraw. Another squadron, commanded by Caius Sosius, managed to withdraw to the Gulf.

Octavian managed to turn his advantage into a decisive success. Sosius surrendered the next day after some of his ships had been set on fire. From Cape Tenare, at the southernmost tip of the Peloponnese, Antony ordered Canidius Crassus to lead the army into Macedonia. The soldiers, demoralized by the departure of their leader and the surrender of the fleet, resisted Octavian's entreaties for a while. However, Octavian no doubt succeeded in convincing Antony's soldiers that he had shamelessly fled, as too few in the army had been initiated into Antony's plan. After several days, Antony's land army defected to Octavian.

When Antony learned of the defection of Sosius's flotilla, he entered a state of deep despondency, and when he learned of the defection of his army from Canidius Crassus, who joined him, he understood that the war was lost.

Antony and Cleopatra land on the North African coast between Egypt and Cyrenaica. Four legions were present, but they quickly defected, plunging Antony into a profound state of disarray, ready to commit suicide. Cleopatra tried to organize the defense of Egypt and prepare for their eventual escape, but her plan was foiled. Their eastern allies rally to Octavian.

Antony first withdrew from the world, near the island of Pharos, then joined Cleopatra to return to a life of splendor in Alexandria. They took virtually no action against Octavian's increasingly triumphant advance, but nevertheless sent several embassies to Octavian as he advanced towards Egypt. Octavian captured Pelusa, the key to Egypt. Antony won a final cavalry battle in front of the city, before his last troops and the Egyptian fleet defected.

Shortly afterwards, on August 1, 30, Marc Antony committed suicide at the age of 53, believing that Cleopatra had taken her own life and thus betrayed him. Octavian entered Alexandria and put Cleopatra under surveillance, authorizing her to give Antony a funeral. The funeral was magnificent. Octavian probably let Cleopatra commit suicide a little over a week after her lover, when she was nearly 40 years old. Octavian gave her a royal funeral, and she was buried next to Antony.

Octavian then had Caesarion and Marcus Antonius Minor, Antony's son by Fulvia, murdered. On the other hand, he spared the three children Antony had had with the Egyptian queen, Alexander, Selene and Ptolemy. It is possible that the Senate subsequently forbade Antonii to bear the first name Marcus, the name Mark Antony being doomed to damnatio memoriae. The day of his birth, January 14, is declared nefarious in the Roman calendar.

Egypt became a Roman province with a special status, governed by a prefect of the equestrian order directly appointed by Octavian, the first being Caius Cornelius Gallus, and then by the various Roman emperors.

Ancestry

Antony may first have married a woman of humble origins, then went on to marry his first cousin Antonia Hybrida Minor, the formidable widow Fulvia, Octavia, Octavian's sister, and finally Cleopatra VII.

Through his youngest daughters, Antonia the Elder and his sister Antonia the Younger, Antony became the ancestor of most of the members of the Julio-Claudian dynasty. Through his eldest daughter Antonia de Trallès, he became perhaps the ancestor of the long line of kings and co-rulers of the Bosphorus, Rome's longest-lived client kingdom, as well as the ancestor of kings of several other vassal states of Rome. Through his daughter Selene, Antony became the ancestor of the royal family of Mauritania, another Roman client kingdom.

Cicero is the only one to mention Antony's first ménage with a certain Fadia, of very modest origin, the daughter of a freedman, with whom he is said to have had several children. While this affair is possible, it is highly unlikely to have been a marriage, and it is impossible to comment on any children.

Mark Antony married Antonia Hybrida Minor, his first cousin and daughter of Caius Antonius Hybrida, on an unknown date and under unknown circumstances, before the year 50. They divorced in 47, as Antonia Hybrida was said to have had an affair with Cornelius Dolabella, one of Antony's adversaries.

The couple had one child, Antonia, born between 54 and 49 A.D. In 44 A.D., she was betrothed to Lepidus the Younger, the two future triumvirs having arranged the marriage.

However, for some unknown reason, the engagement would be broken off some time later. According to Theodor Mommsen, in 36, Antonia married Pythodoros de Trallès, a wealthy Anatolian Greek nobleman, formerly close to Pompey and twenty years her senior. Antony was seeking funds for his Parthian campaign. The couple lived in Smyrna and, in 30 or 29, Antonia gave birth to a daughter, Pythodoris de Trallès. However, the identification of Antonia, Antony's daughter, with Pythodoris' mother is uncertain. Some historians question Mommsen's theory, while others agree with it.

Pythodoris of Trales became Queen of Pontus in 13 B.C. by marrying Polemon, her late grandfather's loyal vassal. She reigned alone over this client kingdom of Rome in the name of her minor children on the death of her husband in 8 B.C. She remarried Archelaos of Cappadocia, also appointed by Antony. This alliance between two client rulers aroused Rome's distrust, and both kingdoms were placed under Roman administration by Tiberius. Among his descendants were several vassal kings of Thrace, Anatolia and the Caucasus, and above all the dynasty that ruled the kingdom of Bosphorus from the 1st to the 4th century.

Fulvia is the widow of populists Clodius and Curion. From her first marriage, she had a son and a daughter, Clodia Pulchra. Antony, to consolidate the fragile alliance between himself and Octavian after the establishment of the second triumvirate, offered his daughter-in-law in marriage to his fellow triumvir. The latter repudiated Clodia in 40 as a consequence of the Perugian war, instigated by her mother. Fulvie was also forced to divorce Antony, was exiled and died shortly afterwards.

The couple had two children: Marcus Antonius Minor in 47 or 46 and Iullus Antonius between 45 and 43. It was agreed in 37 that Antony's eldest son would marry Julia. However, at the end of the civil war, the former was assassinated on Octavian's orders, probably because he was Antony's official heir. The second married Claudia Marcella Maior, Augustus' niece by Octavia, in 21. Although he ranked third in Augustus' succession, he was forced to commit suicide following his affair with Julia, Augustus' daughter, in 2 BC. His descendants are uncertain.

After the Perugian War, Antony divorced Fulvia and married Octavian's sister, Octavia. On several occasions, she acted as political advisor and negotiator between her husband and his brother. A victim of the conflict between the two triumvirs, she was repudiated by Antony in 32 AD, who had been living with Cleopatra VII for several years. Following Antony's death, Octavia lived a quiet life raising her five children, as well as Antony's own: Iullus, Alexander, Selene and Ptolemy.

The couple had two daughters: Antonia the Elder in 39 and Antonia the Younger in 36. It is likely that Augustus allowed them to enjoy their father's properties in Rome. They were both related to all the Julio-Claudian emperors, the former being notably the paternal grandmother of Nero and the latter the paternal grandmother of emperor Caligula and empress Agrippina the Younger through her son Germanicus, the mother of emperor Claudius and the maternal great-grandmother and paternal great-aunt of emperor Nero.

Finally, Antony married Cleopatra VII in 37. The two lovers had already had twins in 40, Alexander Helios and Cleopatra Selene, and had a third child in 36: Ptolemy Philadelphus. Antony's relationship with Cleopatra lasted 11 years (from their meeting in 41BC to 30BC, when Antony died).

Although both sons probably died without issue, Selene married Juba II of Mauretania, who reigned under Roman tutelage in 20 BC. Ptolemy of Mauretania, their son, succeeded him, but was executed on Caligula's orders. He was the last representative of the Ptolemaic dynasty and the last king of Mauretania.

Antony and Cleopatra as seen by ancient authors

His contemporaries acknowledged his unquestionable loyalty to his friends. Marc Antony was also immensely popular with the soldiers, thanks to his bravery on the battlefield and his military skills. After his defeat at Modena and his retreat to Gaul, Plutarch reports that Antony "is for all soldiers an astonishing example of patience and courage: long accustomed to a life of luxury and delights, he drinks corrupted water without repugnance, and feeds on roots and wild fruit".

For ancient authors, it was his encounter with Cleopatra in 41 AD that changed Antony's character. For example, Plutarch, writing a biography of Antony under Trajan, recounts an endless succession of feasts and extravagances, as well as Cleopatra's flattery of Antony from that year onwards. His alleged submission to Cleopatra is the key explanation for Antony's failed destiny, from the Parthian War to the final defeat at Actium.

From then on, Augustus' propaganda left the imperial historiography with an image of a debauchee who indulged in lust, squandered the riches of the Roman East and handed over Roman possessions to Cleopatra. Antony is depicted as having forgotten to be Roman and bewitched by Cleopatra. Seneca, during the reign of Nero, paints this portrait of Antony: "A great and capable man, but who is perverted by foreign ways and vices contrary to the Roman spirit by his love of wine and his passion for Cleopatra". Plutarch paints a similar picture: "Gifted with such a character, Antony's evils were compounded by the love he conceived for Cleopatra, a love that awakened and unleashed in him many passions still hidden and dormant, and which extinguished and stifled what might, in spite of everything, persist in him that was honest and salutary". Florus, during Hadrian's reign, passed a merciless judgment on Antony: "This is how an Egyptian woman asks a drunken general for the Roman Empire, as the price of her favors. And Antony lets her, as if the Roman were less difficult to conquer than the Parthian! So he prepares to conquer power, and does so without hiding; but having forgotten his homeland, his name, his toga, his bundles, he abandons himself entirely to this monster".

Ancient historiography is generally very unfavorable to Cleopatra, as it is inspired by her conqueror, the Emperor Augustus, and his entourage, whose interest is to blacken her in order to make her Rome's evil adversary and Marc Antony's evil genius. Augustan propaganda portrayed her as an oriental ogress, drunk with all passions, to distract attention in Rome from the idea of a purely Roman civil war. In the words of the first-century historian Flavius Josephus: "She makes Antony the enemy of his homeland through the corruption of her amorous charms". The black legend propagated by Augustan ideology was later relayed by poets such as Horace, Propertius and Lucan, and Roman historians such as Eutropius, Dion Cassius and Titus Livius, who saw four dangers in her: queen, calling into question the Roman Republic; woman of character and seductress, potentially endangering Roman virility and virtus; ambitious, threatening freedom; and foreigner, Greek origin and orientality associated with debauchery and lust, calling into question "Romanity", in particular the virtue of pudicitia. Dion Cassius, for example, paints an unmistakable portrait: "Cleopatra, for her part, insatiable for pleasure, insatiable for riches, often shows laudable ambition and often arrogant disdain; she acquires the kingdom of Egypt through love and, having hoped to seize the Roman Empire by this means, she does not obtain it and loses it. She dominates the two greatest Romans of her time and kills herself because of the third.

The judgment of modern historians

British historian Peter Green, at the end of his book on the Hellenistic period, speaking of Antony and Cleopatra, points out that she is "a charismatic personality of the first rank, a leader-born figure and a ruler of inordinate ambition, who deserved better than to commit suicide in the company of that heavy-handed and dubious Roman sybarite, with his bull's neck, his prodigiously coarse manners and his silly fits of introspection". "While Cleopatra - brilliant, vivacious, fluent in nine languages, a mathematician and shrewd businesswoman - feels genuine respect and admiration for Julius Caesar, Antony's sentimental vacillations, intellectual futility and crass excesses set her off. She's obliged to deal with Antony, and she gets everything she can out of him; but she doesn't feel it necessary, it seems, to organize these endless, mind-boggling entertainments for the sober Caesar, whose wit and brilliance equal her own. It is for Antony that she imagines this gigantic and boisterous parade, this descent of the Cyndos to Tarsus: a vulgar bait to lure a vulgar man". Peter Green paints another portrait of the Roman triumvir at the time of the Tarsus meeting: "Cleopatra knows nothing of the limits of his tactical and strategic skills, of his great popularity with the troops; of his blue blood, an asset unfortunately counterbalanced by impecuniosity; she knows of his penchant for drink and women, and his habit of sowing children right and left, his superficial philhellenism, his prodigious vulgarity, his physical exuberance and brutal ambition as well as his Dionysian claims to divinity". For his various portraits of Antony, Peter Green relies directly on Plutarch's Life of Antony. However, he acknowledges that the ancient sources are skewed by Augustus' propaganda, and that Antony also acted out of political and logistical calculation from the outset. "Despite all the romantic echoes surrounding the first meeting between the queen and Antony, the latter apparently proved far less malleable than we are led to believe. In fact, it may well be Cleopatra who is being exploited to some extent.

Monique Jallet-Huant, author of a biography of Antony that also closely follows ancient sources, paints an unflattering portrait of the generalissimo and prince of the East, but other modern historians rehabilitate Antony, such as Eleanor G. Huzar in her biography, or several French historians, notably Jean-Michel Roddaz in the final paragraphs of a work on the Roman Republican period.

Pierre Cosme, author of a biography of the conqueror of Actium, points out that "ancient authors insist abundantly on Marc Antony's depravity and brutality. We mustn't forget that this is the testimony of Marc Antony's adversaries. Nevertheless, he is acknowledged to have been unquestionably loyal to his friends and immensely popular with the soldiers, thanks to his bravery on the battlefield and his military skills".

Yann Le Bohec, on the subject of Antony and Caesar, points out that "this character generated even more controversy than his leader. Born into the aristocracy, he received an excellent education and studied rhetoric in Greece. We cannot therefore be satisfied with the portrait of a bribe-taker that was later proposed. Tall and courageous, handsome and bearded, he had an exceptional temperament and was not afraid to abuse wine, men or women. The reader will understand that these tastes are not simply a matter of personal choice. They express a true religiosity: if Caesar is protected by Venus, Antony seeks the support of Dionysus.

According to Jean-Michel Roddaz, Antony did not give in to the Oriental mirage in 42 AD when the empire was divided. Moreover, Antony had long been a philhellene, long before he met Cleopatra. According to the ancient authors, Antony was irrevocably submissive to and madly in love with Cleopatra from the winter of 41-40 spent in Alexandria, but Antony then spent four years without seeing Cleopatra again, prompting Jean-Michel Roddaz to say that "more impatient lovers have been known" and Peter Green to say that "there's nothing irresistible about the queen's magnetism".

Moreover, his reorganization of the East, so decried by Augustan propaganda and ancient historiography, is considered legitimate by modern historians, and above all effective, so much so that Augustus would later draw inspiration from it.

Jean-Michel Roddaz's assessment of Antony, Caesar's cavalry master in 48-47, is as follows: "Antony was an outstanding soldier and Caesar's best officer at the start of the civil war; but he was a poor politician and distinguished himself above all by his debauchery and extravagance. Endowed with a chivalrous spirit and naturally generous, he is covered in debts and doesn't know how to surround himself". A few years later, in 42, "the battle of Philippi consecrated Antony's military talents". Even in defeat, in this case during the very difficult retreat from Medea in 36, Jean-Michel Roddaz points out that "it is in these most delicate moments that Antony's courage, greatness of spirit and bravery are best displayed", and after the final defeat, "once again, as at Modena or throughout the retreat from Medea, and because he knew that all was lost, Mark Antony knew how to show himself great in the face of trial".

Lastly, even on the eve of the final battle, Antony retained considerable support, probably having more allies among the Roman aristocracy than his opponent, even if the support he enjoyed in Rome began to erode before the actual defeat at Actium. Contemporaries don't seem to have a negative image of him, that of a depraved man who had ceased to be a Roman.

Jean-Michel Roddaz relates an anecdote by an ancient author and Peter Green verses by a modern Alexandrian poet:

His relationship with Cleopatra has become legendary and has been the subject of numerous works. Here are a few in which the character of Mark Antony plays a central role.

Paint

The life and death of Antony and Cleopatra are the subject of numerous paintings and drawings: see Cleopatra VII, "Painting".

Sources

1. Mark Antony
2. Marc Antoine
3. a et b Si le jour semble attesté, l'année de sa naissance n'est pas connue avec certitude. Les sources divergent sur le sujet et permettent d'envisager trois dates : 86, 83 ou 81 av. J.-C. (Chamoux 1986, pp. 13-14 et Renucci 2015, p. 37).
4. a b et c Cicéron est le seul à mentionner un premier mariage d'Antoine avec une certaine Fadia dont il aurait plusieurs enfants (Philippiques, XIII, 10) avant qu'il n'épouse Antonia Hybrida Minor.
5. M•ANTONIVS•M•F•M•N : Marcus Antonius Marci Filius Marci Nepos, c'est-à-dire « Marcus Antonius, fils de Marcus, petit-fils de Marcus ».
6. Départ pour la Syrie au côté d'Aulus Gabinius : 28-29 ans s'il est né en 86 av. J.-C., 23-24 ans s'il est né en 81 av. J.-C.
7. Consulat aux côtés de Jules César : 41 ans s'il est né en 86 av. J.-C., 36 ans s'il est né en 81 av. J.-C.
8. ^ "Marcus Antonius, imperator ("commander"), augur, one of three men for the restoration of the republic, [coin minted by] Marcus Barbatius, quaestor and praetor.
9. ^ As recorded by a calendar inscription known as the Fasti Verulani (c. 17–37 AD) for 14 January = Degrassi, Inscriptiones Italiae 13.2.397–398, as cited by Jerzy Linderski and Anna Kaminska-Linderski, "The Quaestorship of Marcus Antonius," Phoenix 28.2 (1974), p. 217, note 24. The religious prohibition placed by Augustus on the day, marked as a dies vitiosus ("defective" day), is explained by Linderski, "The Augural Law", Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II.16 (1986), pp. 2187–2188. 14 January is accepted as Antony's birthday also by C.B.R. Pelling, Plutarch: Life of Antony (Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 299, commentary to Plutarch, Antony 73.5; Nikos Kokkino, Antonia Augusta (Routledge, 1992), p. 11; Pat Southern, Mark Antony (Tempus, 1998), p. ii; Adrian Goldsworthy, Antony and Cleopatra (Yale University Press, 2010), n.p.. According to Suetonius (Claudius 11.3), the emperor Claudius, Antony's grandson through maternal lineage, evaded the prohibition on commemorating Antony's birthday by calculations showing that had he been born under the Julian calendar he would have shared his birthday with Drusus, the emperor's father. Drusus was born in late March or early April, based on a reference that he was born "within the third month" after his mother Livia married Augustus on 17 January; G. Radke, "Der Geburtstag des älteren Drusus," Wurzburger Jahrbucher fur die Altertumswissenschaft 4 (1978), pp. 211–213, proposed that a birth date of 28 March for Drusus would resolve the chronological difficulties. Radke's proposal is summarized in English by the commentary on Suetonius' sentence by Donna W. Hurley, Suetonius: Divus Claudius (Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. 106, and by Marleen B. Flory, "The Symbolism of Laurel in Cameo Portraits of Livia," in Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome (University of Michigan Press, 1995), vol. 40, p. 56, note 48.
10. ^ The identification of the bust lies entirely on the fact that it was allegedly found alongside a bust of Octavian and a third figure that was accordingly identified as Lepidus. However, all three portrait date from different periods, and the bust of Octavian was eventually shown to depict Julius Caesar.[19][20]
11. ^ Cicero is the only ancient source to mention a first marriage to an otherwise unknown Fadia (Philippics, XIII, 10)
12. ^ Ancient writers (e.g. Appian, Civil Wars 5.8.1) place the beginning of their famous romance at this meeting with Antony totally surrendering to Cleopatra's beauty but modern historians reject this notion as retrospective historical propaganda on the part of Augustus.
13. Como relatado por uma inscrição calendária conhecida como Fastos Verulanos (c. 17–37) para 14 de janeiro, que é a mesma citada por Degrassi.[5] A proibição religiosa estabelecida por Augusto para este dia, marcado como dies vitiosus ("dia defeituoso"), é explicada por Linderski.[6] 14 de janeiro é aceita como a data de aniversário de Antônio também por C.B.R. Pelling[7] comentando sobre Plutarco.[8][9] Segundo Suetônio,[10] o imperador Cláudio, neto de Antônio pela linha materna, contornou a proibição de comemorar o aniversário de Antônio apresentando cálculos mostrando que ele teria nascido no calendário juliano e compartilhava o mesmo dies natalis com Druso, o seu próprio pai. Ele nasceu no final de março ou no início de abril com base numa referência de que ele teria nascido "dentro do terceiro mês" subsequente ao casamento de sua mãe, Lívia, ter se casado com Augusto em 17 de janeiro. G. Radke,[11] propôs que uma data de nascimento em 28 de março para Druso resolveria as dificuldades cronológicas, uma proposta sumarizada (em inglês) pelo comentário da frase de Suetônio feito por Donna W. Hurley[12] e Marleen B. Flory[13]
14. Cícero é o único autor antigo a mencionar um casamento anterior com uma mulher completamente desconhecida chamada Fádia.[31]
15. Escritores antigos apontam que este evento teria sido o início do famoso romance entre os dois, narrando que Antônio teria sido arrebatado pela beleza de Cleópatra. Contudo, autores modernos rejeitam esta noção afirmando que ela seria parte de uma campanha de propaganda histórica retrospectiva por parte de Augusto.
16. Plutarch: Antonius. 86, 8.
17. Hermann Bengtson, Marcus Antonius, 1977, S. 11 f. und 83; Manfred Clauss: Marcus Antonius. In: Karl-Joachim Hölkeskamp und Elke Stein-Hölkeskamp (Hrsg.): Von Romulus zu Augustus. Große Gestalten der römischen Republik, 2000, S. 340; Appian, Bürgerkriege 5, 8. Auf das Jahr 83 oder 82 v. Chr. weist auch die Prägung Michael Crawford: Roman Republican Coinage. Cambridge 1974, Nr. 489/5 hin; siehe Krešimir Matijević: Marcus Antonius: Consul – Proconsul – Staatsfeind. Die Politik der Jahre 44 und 43 v. Chr. Rahden 2006, S. 431–437.
18. Cicero, Philippische Reden 2, 17; Plutarch: Antonius. 2, 1 f.